Two months later, at the 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Serov spoke on how to create a stable, safe and efficient social environment. The pen ~ fun ~ cabinet www.biquge.info expounded on some methods and ideas for using scientific and technological means to make the top leadership listen to public opinion.

"As an anti-rebel worker, I don't trust anyone, and if you are a human being, you are unreliable. But the machine will not betray. What I'm looking for is the power of the whole, and sooner or later with our technological power will reach this point. Judging from the investigation of the urban surveillance networks in Moscow, Leningrad, and Kiev, the three most important cities of the Soviet Union have improved law and order to varying degrees. But this is not enough, in order to build a sense of security in the hearts of the people, so that the law and the people are together, the necessary monitoring is necessary. Serov coughed twice and said, "Walking on the vast land of the Soviet Union, a person knows that his every move cannot be separated from the country's sight, and it is a good thing to consider both the field of counter-espionage and social security." This will deter crime to the greatest extent, and our job is to keep all those who suppress their dark side from acts of violence. ”

After a round of applause, Serov continued: "Since the establishment of the monitoring network in the three major cities, the work of Comrade Serokov's Ministry of Internal Affairs has been greatly reduced, and the rate of solving cases in the three major internal affairs directorates has increased significantly. The homicide solving rate has been increased by half, of course, this is only the beginning, and it is far from enough in my vision, I think the homicide must be solved. Let the criminals understand that there are some things that cannot be done yet. When criminals are strong, law enforcers must be stronger. That's it! ”

"Also, since six or seven years ago, there have been mass incidents in some parts of the country. Taking a Kazakh rally as a reference, the local arrested suspect died in a police car, and the leaked information caused a mass rally to storm the local party committee, which was caused by the lack of smooth information, and I ordered a reconnaissance team to go to Kazakhstan in Moscow to calm down the incident. This incident shows that the people have doubts about us, which is not a good sign. The best way to increase the transparency of law enforcement is to let law enforcement personnel also enter the scope of surveillance, so as to prevent us security personnel from being affected by certain factors. In the blink of an eye, Serov's report had come to an end, and finally he said, "My report is finished, thank you, comrades......"

Serov then turned to salute the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the USSR behind him, stepped down from the rostrum and returned to his place. Serov's position was very close to the rostrum, in the seat closest to the Central Presidium. And next to him was the first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, Yegorechev.

"That's right, you can't see it to us yourself, but I saw the first secretary nodding frequently." Yegorechev tilted his head sideways and whispered, "I don't think there is a problem with your report, the direction." ”

"Really?" Serov secretly said that I did not write it, although he has made great progress in writing reports. The 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was attended by the Soviets themselves. It also includes representatives of nearly 100 political parties from dozens of countries, which is normal, as is the case at every congress. The Soviet Union called itself the motherland of the proletarian workers, and if no one came to a congress, it would be a sign that something was wrong.

This was the first congress after Podgorny's mistake, and it was not known what Khrushchev wanted to say. But it's certainly not just about shouting slogans, maybe there will be some personnel adjustments. Serov was right, Khrushchev really had to make some personnel adjustments, because there was a vacancy in the Presidium of the Central Committee.

At the same time as the capture of Podgorny, the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Kuusinin, died of illness. Two vacancies in the Presidium of the Central Committee have already appeared, and Shelepin took over Podgorny with the Party and State Supervisory Commission. It is still a question who will take Kuusinin's place. Of course, there was some foreshadowing of this, and Serov had heard some clues in some of Khrushchev's words, but he did not tell Yegorechev that one of the candidates would naturally be Yegorechev himself, and the other would be Mazurov, the main assistant to Kosygin, the first deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers.

The reason for not telling Yegorechev was that Serov considered the likelihood of Yegorechev entering the Central Committee very low. Sherepin and all of them have a question of seniority, Sherepin is like this, Shemychasny is like this, Yegorechev is like this, and even Serov himself is like this. Compared to Kosygin's main assistant Mazurov, Yegorychev did not have an advantage.

Sure enough, Khrushchev then announced at the congress that Shelepin was appointed secretary of the Central Committee in charge of the organization, replacing Podgorny's previous role, and the first secretary of the Ukrainian party committee, Serest, and the deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, Mazurov, became full members of the Central Presidium. Serestest and Mazurov then spoke separately from the rostrum.

"Our age is such a disadvantage!" Serov, who was applauded by everyone, whispered to Yegorechev.

"But time is on our side!" Although Yegorechev was a little disappointed, he immediately cheered up and said.

Time is on our side? Serov looked at Brezhnev beside Khrushchev and said secretly, "This premise is that Khrushchev has to stay for a few more years, otherwise everything is difficult to say." ”

After a vote of all members of the Central Committee, Khrushchev's nomination was approved. The current Presidium of the Central Committee is like this, First Secretary Khrushchev, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Mikoyan, Secretary of the Central Committee Suslov, these people do not count. Serov can see the obvious group, the first secretary of the Ukrainian party committee, Serest, is considered the heir of Podgorny, but Sereste has actually lost his backer, and he can only rely on Khrushchev.

The people who followed Brezhnev in the Presidium of the Central Committee were his right and left man, Andrei Kirilenko. If Yegorechev had entered the Presidium of the Central Committee, Sherepin would not have been alone in it. But this is not the point, the point is that the government occupies three places in the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee, namely Kosygin, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Polyansky, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Mazurov, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Both Polyansky and Mazurov were Kosygin's main assistants, and the fact that all three had similar ideas, is interesting.

"I didn't expect the largest group to become Kosygin's people, no wonder Brezhnev finally solved Kosygin." Serov found the situation interesting, except for Khrushchev, Kosygin turned out to be the strongest person.

"Nominate two alternate members of the Presidium of the Central Committee, Chairman of the National Security Committee Serov, Comrade Egorechev, First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee, and at the same time appoint Comrade Semychasny as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia." Khrushchev's nomination was approved, and Serov was surprised that he was nominated.

"Kosygin turned out to be the winner? I really didn't expect it. After the congress, Kirilenko's first words when he came to Brezhnev's home were to express his views on the 23rd congress.

"Yes, Kosygin is a radical person, and he is also an economic expert. It is not unreasonable for our first secretary to look the other way. Brezhnev still looked unhurried, as indifferent as usual.

Kosygin's reforms were historically built on the defeat of Khrushchev and had the support of Brezhnev in the early days, at least not contained. But it doesn't mean that Brezhnev is willing to do this, the relationship between Kosygin and Brezhnev has been average since the Khrushchev era, but the two of them have a solid position in their own fields, so they didn't start doing it at the beginning, which does not mean that the relationship between the two is good.

"Now that the government has occupied three positions in the presidium, and two of Kosygin's aides have become political commissars, should we think of a way?" Kirilenko found that he couldn't understand Brezhnev a little, and he and Brezhnev were only two positions, so why didn't he feel threatened at all.

"Three vice-chairmen of the Council of Ministers, three members of the Central Presidium, this does not mean anything. Yes, Kosygin's position in the government is solid, but that power can slowly wear away with time. If it doesn't work in five years, it will be ten years, and sooner or later there will be a way. There are four departments of real power: the party, the government, the military, and the specialty. Kosygin is only a man of his word in the government, but Shelepin has become the secretary of the Central Committee in charge of the organization this time, and as the chairman of the Party and State Supervision Commission, Serov and Serokov must listen to him, now you should understand who is more threatening in the long run, right? Brezhnev said with a deep breath.

Although Brezhnev knew that after this congress, Kosygin's voice increased. But it is still clear that Kosygin's authority is still in the government. And Sherepin is different, taking over as the secretary of the Central Committee in charge of the organization, he challenged himself in the party, and as the party and state supervisory commission, he let the Soviet secret forces including the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs follow him, so it can be said that Kosygin's threat is in one field, and Sherepin's threat is in two areas.

"But three committee members, it's too many. Then Kosygin didn't come as much as he wanted. Kirilenko was quite dissatisfied with the conference.

"Maybe Khrushchev is here for real, maybe in two or three years, he will really retire." Brezhnev said with some uncertainty that he did not believe Khrushchev's retirement remarks earlier, but this time Khrushchev brought up this matter again, and it obviously increased the government's right to speak in the Central Presidium, which made Brezhnev also a little uncertain.

"So what do we do?" In the end, Kirilenko had to listen to Brezhnev's advice.

"Wait for ......, we'll just do our job." Brezhnev shrugged. (To be continued.) )