When the catastrophe is approaching, most of humanity, at least a considerable part of humanity, will be able to see the disaster as it is. Sometimes, when salvation tries to arrive before it, salvation is often seen as a disaster.

"In the past few years, both the Commission for Discipline Inspection and the People's Internal Affairs Committee have devoted a considerable part of their energy to correcting unjust, false and wrongly decided cases. Revolution is a process of earth-shaking transformation, but in the process of revolution, it is impossible to make everyone's living space bigger immediately. In addition, many grassroots cadres have limited work level, limited political level, and limited ability to solve problems. In propaganda work, we cannot maintain the style of seeking truth from facts, and no matter whether we can do it or not, we must blow it out first and then talk about it. After raising the expectations of the people, if the reality does not match the situation that these people have blown out, the masses will of course be resentful. There are some cadres who do not find the root cause of the problem, but only try to suppress the problem temporarily, and the disadvantaged groups because of policy reasons will become scapegoats......"

"It may seem inhumane for these people to move from their original places of residence, but it can also avoid a lot of problems......

"From what we have gathered so far, the problem of the level of local cadres has led directly to new inequality. These new unfairness have directly damaged our party's appeal and influence among the masses......"

Qi Huishen has a wealth of work experience, and the work experience accumulated from working in the People's Internal Affairs Committee not only did not make Qi Huishen regard human life as a mustard, but made him hope to avoid senseless killings. If the comrades below are given less opportunity to make mistakes, this is also a real concern for the comrades below.

Listening to Qi Huishen's implicit accusations against the construction of the people's party's grassroots organizations, no one was willing to speak up. First of all, the issue under discussion this time is not the issue of grassroots organizations, and secondly, the problem of grassroots organizations cannot be solved overnight. Grassroots organizations are not the army, and the life of the army is simple and bright, that is, war, preparation, training, and labor. The grassroots have to face a frighteningly complex situation, and all kinds of relationships are intertwined. The People's Party has already put great effort into its organization, and even now it can only ensure that the orders of the higher authorities and the lower levels can ensure that they are carried out. If you just find fault with it, you don't even have to do a lot of major work.

Qi Huishen was not stupid enough to expand the topic indefinitely, and after explaining the reasons for the proposal to relocate some of the relatives of the landlords in Jiangnan, he concluded with "Therefore, I think that a large-scale relocation of these people should be carried out."

No one took this question, and even Zhang Yu, who had always dared to speak, was silent. Chen Ke glanced at the comrades, and then said: "The two pillars of the socialist system are science and democracy, and the science and democracy that our People's Party talks about are different from the science and democracy that those scholars shout for. Those who talk about science and democracy mean that they themselves understand science and democracy, so they are born to gain a superior position over others and the power to rule. When we talk about science and democracy, we want to apply science and democracy to our work......"

The people who can sit in this position are all comrades who have been tested for a long time, everyone knows that what Qi Huishen said is right, everyone knows that Chen Ke is right, and the theory that Chen Ke said is very correct and very feasible. The only problem is that many people simply can't read what Chen Ke is talking about. In other words, it is impossible for comrades who do not have a lot of work experience to understand what Chen Ke is talking about. At present, the comrades who can read and understand what Chen Ke is saying are almost riding rockets within the organization, and where is it possible to retain so many outstanding comrades at the grassroots level. The current situation is that the upper echelons of the People's Party have gathered a large number of outstanding talents, and the operation of the entire strategic level has been relatively smooth. However, with the expansion of the liberated areas of the People's Party, various problems in grassroots operations can be said to have emerged one after another.

Qi Huishen can also be regarded as a mainstay, as he said, a large part of the work of the Discipline Inspection Commission and the People's Internal Affairs Committee turned out to be to correct the problem, rather than to severely attack the enemy.

Chen Ke actually knows this, but he still has to say that if he can't even expound the correct theory, it will be even worse, "Our party's 'Theory of Practice' is a method to teach everyone science, and our party's 'Theory of Contradiction' is a method for establishing a democratic system." Now we must intensify the study of these two documents. Our party's three major work styles must be implemented. As far as seeking truth from facts is concerned, I think Comrade Qi Huishen has done a very good job. ”

After confirming the support of Qi Huishen, Chen Ke said: "So I now suggest that we need to adjust the system. In many cases, it is the top party and government leaders in various localities who are responsible for the selection of talents, and I have heard that there are many people who write notes. As a result, the leadership responsibility system now tends to become a bureaucratic leadership dictatorship, and the power of the organization department has been greatly weakened. I think the situation needs to be adjusted. The organization department is the part that selects and promotes personnel in accordance with the party's policies and programs, and this department determines the orientation of our party's organization personnel at all levels. Since there are so many problems now, we might as well start by rectifying the Organization Department. What do you think? ”

As soon as these words came out, the comrades of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee could not help but turn their heads and ears to each other. For a time, the Party Committee was in charge of all functions and powers, especially important personnel powers. Now Chen Ke's plan is to improve the personnel decision-making power of the organization department, which is a very important change for the party organization. It is impossible to see how big the impact will be. Moreover, the establishment of more authority of the organization department means that a management system needs to be established, and who will be responsible for this construction work is a big problem. Now Qi Huishen is the head of the organization, but his status and authority come more from his status as a member of the Politburo. The implications of this seem quite subtle.

However, the BJP has established a new political system in the past decade, and no matter what twists and turns, this system is constantly improving. Anyone who can perform well in it can be said to be on the rise. An internal emergency response ranking has been drawn up within the BJP. That is, in case leaders at all levels are unable to perform their work, who will take over urgently. Ren Qiying, the current director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, has become one of the top 100 important cadres in the liberated areas of the People's Party from the daughter of a landlord. In other words, if the first dozens of cadres died suddenly at the same time, Ren Qiying would become the temporary supreme leader of the People's Party. Although the vacant positions will soon be replaced by the election of party committees at all levels, this is enough to prove the importance of organizational building.

Many comrades looked at Qi Huishen with some envy and jealousy in their eyes, no one thought that Qi Huishen would be so "unplanned" and suddenly attacked, but the result was that Qi Huishen soon got more authority. Of course, more experienced comrades also began to wonder if this was a play performed by Chen Ke and Qi Huishen. Of course, no one dared to say that, not even hinting. Everyone is well aware of the extent of the trouble in the work at the grassroots level, and if the work of the Organization Department can be improved by strengthening the work of the Organization Department, everyone absolutely welcomes it. So the proposal was quickly adopted.

After temporarily resolving the issues raised by Qi Huishen, the content of the meeting returned to the Jiangnan issue that had just been discussed. If the families of the landlords are forcibly removed, how to deal with the militia groups as participants is also a thorny issue. In principle, the BJP has adopted a zero-tolerance approach to any independent armed forces that exist under its rule. The problem is that if a policy of exterminating the militia groups involved in counter-revolutionary actions is adopted, many areas where counter-revolutionary atrocities are extremely rampant will be slaughtered into no-man's land.

The Central Committee of the People's Party has great confidence in the execution of the People's Party, and this confidence is based on the experience that every order will be carried out to the end. As soon as the conclusions of this meeting came out, the lives of hundreds of thousands or even hundreds of thousands of people were decided. No one dares to take this lightly.

"The leader of the militia must not let go, but the guys below who are forced to obey should be screened."

"What should we do if the families of the masses demand that the people who killed themselves pay for their lives?"

"There are killings that are not seen by the masses at all, and they demand that all the participants pay for their lives, so what to do?"

But what about the repentant among the participants? Aren't we going to give them a chance to change their self-confidence? ”

"What if someone is willing to atone for their sins, and the victim's family agrees?"

"Atonement? For the victim's family, the perpetrator should atone for his sins for the rest of his life. But for the redeemer, once he has his life, how long can this feeling of atonement last? There is no filial son in front of the bed for 100 days, let alone people who are not related to him. ”

"How much do you have to kill here?"

"Then let's think about it the other way around and give a reason for not killing them?"

There is some truth to every opinion, and there is also a reason for this counter-revolutionary act based on class struggle.

Later in the discussion, due to the numbness of feelings, a more straightforward point of view also came out, "Cost!" Cost! It is impossible for any social action to be without a cost, let alone the cost of such a large-scale social action! ”

No one loves to kill, and it takes great courage and motivation to deprive a person of their life. The Central Committee of the People's Party will not consider giving the counter-revolutionary leaders any chance to live, and similarly, the central leaders, including Chen Ke, will not be able to resolutely decide to adopt a policy of physical extermination for those who are forced to live or only to live a better life.

After a long period of discussion, the central authorities finally reached a compromise and temporary measure, first setting up concentration camps to lock up all these people. Of course, if the People's Party still refuses to surrender when it marches into Jiangnan, then the only way to do so is to mercilessly eliminate this countermeasure. Although such a decision still has a huge social cost, compared with the mass killing, this choice is still recognized by the central comrades. Some things can be delayed for a day.

Military preparations are in place, but political decisions have dragged on a bit. After the Politburo determined the overall screening and purge plan for Jiangnan, Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin were invited to Wuhan, after all, the Zhejiang West Branch of the Guangfu Society, as a "long-tested" ally of the People's Party, could not be left behind at this time.

Similar to what Chen Ke thought, after Qiu Jin learned about the People's Party's plan to suppress the counterrevolution, her first reaction was "unbearable". Qiu Jin was able to accept the suppression of the "evil leader" among the middle-level executives, despite the fact that Cai Yuanpei was already an ironclad mastermind, Qiu Jin still said: "Wen Qing, to Mr. Cai...... Can you let him go? "If it is according to Qiu Jin's attitude, it is to let go of the upper echelons of the Restoration Society, but it will kill the people at the lower levels of the Restoration Society. As for the Beiyang Army behind the Restoration Society, Qiu Jin gritted his teeth and said: "None of those people can stay!" ”

Xu Xilin frowned and said, "Xuanqing, are you still saying such things when it comes to this matter?" If these people were spared, what would the tens of thousands of Liberation Comrades who were killed by them think? The hundreds of thousands of people who were killed in western Zhejiang, who will administer justice to them? Kill the evil in everything! Mr. Cai's sin ......"

Speaking of which, Xu Xilin couldn't go on.

Chen Ke listened quietly and didn't say anything. Xu Xilin is only 43 years old this year, and before 412, he was still full of black hair, and now Xu Xilin's hair is almost completely white. He looks 20 years old. Qiu Jin is not much better, she is 41 years old this year and has gray hair. The 412 counter-revolutionary massacre launched within the Liberation Society had a great psychological blow to these two revolutionary predecessors, not only their appearance, but also their original vigor. If Chen Kegang knew them in 1905, I am afraid that these two people will seek revenge on Cai Yuanpei and others regardless of life and death.

However, there is one thing that the two are very consistent, Xu Xilin was silent for a while and then said to Chen Ke: "Wenqing, are you going to wipe out all the gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang?" ”

"Whoever owes the blood of the people will have to pay it." Chen Ke's attitude has always been consistent with his statement, "The gentry who are not involved in 412, we will not touch them with a finger." ”

Qiu Jin frowned and looked at Chen Ke, "But if Wenqing wants to carry out land reform in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, the gentry will definitely not agree." ”

Chen Ke smiled: "It's up to them to agree or not." The agrarian revolution was the policy of our People's Party, and land reform was carried out everywhere we went, from Guangxi to Northeast China. The people's living standards have been greatly improved, and the social productive forces have been greatly liberated. From the perspective of China's interests, this proves that there is nothing wrong with the land reform policy. Those who try to stop the land reform are the mantis arm blocking the car, and they can only say that they are to blame for their misfortune. ”

The resoluteness of the attitude of the People's Party towards the agrarian revolution was naturally known to Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin. Seeing that persuasion was useless, the two stopped doing this useless work. Xu Xilin said: "Wenqing, Jiangsu and Zhejiang have suffered a great disaster, and so many people have died. I also hope that Wenqing has the virtue of a good life and can be tolerant of his subordinates. If you kill so many people, how will people say about you a hundred years later? ”

If it was before, Chen Ke would still be a little concerned about the name of the posthumous order a hundred years later. But now he doesn't care about it at all. The leaders of the communist revolution in history, who saved more than a billion people, were slandered as the greatest demons unprecedented in human history. What does Chen Ke think he is? If the Chinese revolution succeeds, he will at best become one of many demons. If this is the case, Chen Ke feels that this is still his own glory.

As for the elimination of the counter-revolution, Chen Ke was not even worried that he had no supporters. At least when people Chen Ke knew talked about this matter, as long as he didn't deliberately hit other people, he really hadn't seen a few people who denied the correctness of land reform and opposed the repayment of blood debts from those who killed people.

But Chen Ke is no longer the young man who thinks he can say whatever he wants after mastering the correct theory, he smiled gently: "What the two of you remind us is that if I can kill one less, I will never kill one more." I think exactly the same thing as the two of you on this point. ”

On August 1, 1916, the Army Day of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army, the Central Military Commission of the People's Party officially issued an order to march into the three southeastern provinces. The Fifth Field Army of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army set out from Anhui, and the Sixth Field Army set out from Jiangxi and attacked Zhejiang and Guangdong respectively. The Southeast Liberation War officially began.