Chapter 229: A false alarm

"Go on!" Long before the start of the Congress of the Communist Party of the 81 Nations, Serov had already mentioned that the Eastern comrades would use this congress to attack the Soviet Union, and although this prediction did not have a big effect, the consequences of analyzing Khrushchev in advance could affect Khrushchev's heart, which was taught by Serov's psychological teacher. With Serov's vaccination, Khrushchev was already mentally prepared for the coming attack, and it would not be so unacceptable to be suddenly attacked.

"If we compare in terms of intelligence, our strength far surpasses them in terms of competing for the support of other revolutionary forces in the world, even in Southeast Asia, which is very close to China, and we and the comrades in the East do it at the same time, and eventually the local revolutionary party will choose us, and this is the gap in national strength!" Serov indifferently analyzed the situation in the entire region and said, "Since the Eastern comrades think that we are too conservative, then let's see what they are going to do, anyway, we have nothing to lose, and if we fail, we can show in the later stage that we have already said that we cannot do this, but before that, we will not express our position, do not condemn, ignore it, and let the Eastern comrades do it......"

Don't take a stand, don't condemn, don't pay attention? Hearing this principle, both Khrushchev and Kozlov thought that it was too weak and that the opposition could be suppressed by debate, and Sherepin was clearly inclined to the opinion of the first secretary, and only Brezhnev, who had not been noticed, had a bright eye, but did not say anything on such occasions.

Khrushchev was a person who liked to debate very much, and this kind of person who insisted on the truth and the clearer his ideas became clearer would be easier to drill into the horns, and if Brezhnev was in power now, it is estimated that Brezhnev would not have bothered to respond to China and think that this kind of debate was meaningless. With this kung fu, new equipment may come out.

Of course, soon everyone stopped talking about it, and the food problem in the USSR was also a big problem. And now there is a light for a solution, which is more important than anything else. Soon Kosygin, the first deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Kosygin, who was Khrushchev's main aide and actually began to carry out reforms during the Brezhnev period, was very good in the early days, but as Brezhnev began to tighten his powers. Kosygin's situation became more and more difficult, and in the end the reforms failed.

Kosygin had more say in industrial aid than anything else, and as Zhdanov's subordinate, Kosygin also knew more about the operation and shortcomings of the planned economy, but unfortunately the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union had been relatively weak since Khrushchev, and Kosygin's prestige was still insufficient to carry out the reform without Brezhnev's obstruction.

Khrushchev, Kozlov and Kosygin discussed how to exchange the Sultan's grain. And Brezhnev and Sherepin were chatting on the side, seeing this situation Serov was more vigilant in his heart, Brezhnev's resume is too complete, and there are only two people in the Soviet Union who are more suitable to be leaders than him, one is the current leader Khrushchev. The other is the second secretary Kozlov, and Kozlov's condition is a time bomb, no one knows when it will detonate, and considering Kozlov's fiery temper, it is almost completely unpreventable.

He was really afraid that Brezhnev would woo Shelepin, whose character was far less moderate than Brezhnev's, and he lost Khrushchev's support unless a coup d'état was launched. Otherwise, it would certainly not be Brezhnev's opponent.

Serov is now collecting information on Brezhnev, as well as on some cadres of the Dnepr gang. Brezhnev's character can only be groped face to face by himself, and it is far less easy to deal with than Chernenko and others below. While the No. 1 and No. 2 men in the Soviet Union were discussing the food issue with the operators of the Soviet economy, Shelepin, the leader of the Komsomol, was talking with Brezhnev, the boss of the Dnepr gang, and this scene made Serov feel like he was in a dream.

"Yuri, Ilyich just talked about you!" Sherepin and Brezhnev vacated Khrushchev's office and left it to several bigwigs inside for discussion. The two of them walked and chatted and had reached the corridor outside, through the window you could see a blanket of snow outside, it was already November, and snowflakes would fall from time to time in Moscow, but this year's weather was not bad compared to previous years.

"I said to Shurik. Your analysis of the international situation is eye-catching, and from a grand strategic point of view, our policy should focus on two places, one is the Persian Gulf and the other is South Africa. Of course, I know that the KGB needs time to complete our strategy, and it can't be too rushed! Brezhnev said very kindly, on the surface, he is a harmless peacemaker, the template should be Mikoyan, even Serov, who studies people in the KGB every day, can't see the problem.

But this is the same person, who has only the cadres of the Dnepr gangs with little power in his hands, who successively crushed Shelepin's Komsomol, Podgorny's Ukrainian supporters, Suslov's propaganda department, Kosygin's government department. This, of course, has something to do with Sherepin's own carelessness and underestimation of the enemy, but one has to admire Brezhnev's superb skill. Brezhnev's strength is reflected on the inside, not on the outside. Now it seems that it should be a false alarm.

"I'm also serving our global strategy myself, so there's nothing to say!" Serov sensed Brezhnev up close, did not perceive the obvious hostility, and could not help but breathe a sigh of relief in his heart.

At present, Sherepin and Brezhnev have no intention of uniting, and after staying with the two bigwigs for a while, Serov was bored, and after a short time, he found an excuse to leave the Kremlin, saying what should be said and what should be done.

Looking at Serov, who was gradually moving away, Brezhnev smiled and said, "Shurik, your friends are always so enviable, they are all so young. Always with a lot of energy......"

On the second day, the Congress of the Communist Party of 81 States was held as scheduled, and while the Soviet leaders, including Sherepin, continued to attend the congress, Serov, Lieutenant General Sakhatowsky, Director of the First General Directorate, Lieutenant General Alex, Director of the Fifth General Administration, Serdyuko of the Second General Directorate, and Roman of the Third General Directorate, listened to the recordings and debates of the congress on the first day at the KGB headquarters at No. 11 Lubyanka Square, and learned from them the tendencies of other parties in the whole world to the differences between China and the Soviet Union.

"There's a problem!" Lieutenant General Sakhatowsky, head of the 1st General Directorate, suddenly reached out and pressed the recording and asked his own questions.

"Yes, the positions of the Communist Party of Australia and the Communist Party of New Zealand are different, Welcox is on the side of China and attacked our Soviet Union, which is not logical, as far as I know, the relationship between the Communist Party of New Zealand and the Communist Party of Australia is not bad, there is no contradiction between the two! The position of Australia and New Zealand is inconsistent, and the question is too strange. "Roman turned out to be the deputy director of the First Directorate-General, and he was also in charge of this at the GRU, which is inconsistent with the information he has in his possession.

"New Zealand has less than 3,000 party members, so it is easy to be infiltrated, and maybe there are really a lot of nominal communists mixed in at this congress!" Lieutenant General Sakhatowski nodded in agreement with Roman's judgment, on which he, the current head of the First Directorate, and Roman, the former deputy director, agreed on this point.

"The position of the Indonesian Communist Party is slightly inclined to China, which is easy to understand, most of the current members of the Indonesian Communist Party are Chinese, and the primary goal of our work is to keep the Indonesian Communist Party from taking a position on the differences between our two countries, and try not to let the differences between the Soviet Union and China affect other countries, and the current good situation cannot be wasted because of a little argument." Serov summed it up very seriously.

"Agreed......" Lieutenant General Sakhatowsky, Lieutenant General Roman, Lieutenant General Serdyuko, and Lieutenant General Alexai expressed their positions one after another.

Serov: They listened to the recordings of the first day's congress from beginning to end, began to read materials from the intelligence departments of the First Main Directorate, and began to assess that the parties were under the banner of the red flag and against the red flag.

Emotionally, they, the anti-rebel workers, were certainly willing to believe that the parties attending the congress were communist fighters. But who makes their profession incapable of believing in emotions, and professional habits force Serov and them to first define the other party as a traitor, and then find the innocent from it.

"It's really strange, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and New Zealand are the three most supportive parties of each other, as far as I know, there is no revolutionary soil over there, these parties are weak and pitiful, by the way, to eliminate Indonesia's tendencies, the Indonesian Communist Party is completely because of national feelings, and we have a good relationship with the Indonesian Ministry of the Interior, and the Indonesian Ministry of the Interior can become our spokesman in Indonesia for a long time." But for the time being, we are still taking a hands-off approach. "When he thinks about the situation in Indonesia, Serov always thinks of the collapse of the Indonesian Communist Party, so he can only take a conservative attitude until the overall situation is decided.

While the venue was hotly debated and internationalism was being loudly praised, there was another group of people in Moscow who were also engaged in counter-espionage work and made arrangements for the reaction of the congress. In the evening, Serov, who was about to leave work, received a telegram from Kudryas, commander of the Central Asian Border Guard Military District, saying that the other side's military uniforms had been made in a hurry, and that the air force's reconnaissance and airdrop sites on the Sino-Indian border had been completed.

After reading the telegram from beginning to end, Serov replied that the news must be blocked, and the Central Asian border guards and the internal guards of Almaty and Tashkent should strengthen airborne training according to the situation. (To be continued.) )