Chapter 845: Tashkent Speech

As can be seen from Brezhnev's reaction, he himself was very happy. Pen @ fun @ pavilion wWw. biqUgE怂 infoFrom various sources, Brezhnev expressed his desire to receive the fifth Order of the Hero of the Soviet Union, but for him to surpass Marshal Zhukov, many people still hesitated.

It turns out that for the rights holders can do anything, this layer of window paper was finally pierced by the General Political Commissar of State Security, and in the field of sycophancy, Serov finally took a substantial step, he did not target a certain member of the Presidium, but said that everyone else is garbage, or I am the most open-minded.

"Of these five Heroes of the Soviet Union, at least two of them should be divided into half." In the midst of the congratulations of many members of the presidium, the General Political Commissar unconsciously touched some protruding bones in the back of his head. If I am not mistaken, according to the Chinese parlance, this is called anti-bone.

"You seem to be a little tired, Secretary Suslov, you should rest more." Seeing Suslov's tired face, Serov stepped forward and said, Suslov's health is not good, but as long as this person is in one day, he is the ideological authority of the Soviet Union, and no one will doubt it.

After Suslov's death, Andropov and Chernenko fought fiercely over the position of successor. Now it seems ridiculous, both Andropov and Chernenko are people who will not have a long life.

"No problem, it's been like this for so many years." Suslov's voice was not loud, he still spoke in a calm tone, he didn't think it would be a big deal, he was like a machine that had been commissioned, working according to the established procedures every day.

This time, unlike usual, Brezhnev did not drink to celebrate, which is also very abnormal, it seems that the self-control of his youth has returned, but after all, he is very old, and he is still a little tired after a short celebration. The aging of his body has offset the cunning of his youth, and some things that he had never considered must now be considered.

He is reluctant to leave the post of general secretary, but he must elect a group of trustworthy cadres to continue the confrontation with the United States. It was something he had never thought about before, but whether he wanted it or not, he had to start thinking about it.

"At this meeting, you can listen to the opinions of Comrade Suslov and Comrade Chernenko." Before Brezhnev left, the head in Moscow was appointed. Normally, Suslov presides over the overall situation when Brezhnev is not around, but since the second half of the year, Suslov has been absent more and more, so it is usually Andropov and Chernenko who take turns presiding over the meeting.

Now Andropov is accompanying the general secretary to inspect Central Asia, and among the cadres who remain in Moscow, the oldest member of the Secretariat is Brezhnev's chief butler, Central Committee Secretary Chernenko.

He was the oldest member of the Secretariat, but Serov was not modest among the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, he himself was a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee back in the days of Khrushchev, and no one was more senior than Suslov. Don't look at him in his fifties.

"It's not the Kremlin that really controls the country, it's here!" Serov's finger pointed to his desk, the building of the headquarters of the Lubyanka KGB. The Brezhnev era was an era of a rapid return to Stalinism. Do not forget the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Stalin era, the invisible control of social life by the KGB today is not only not inferior to the open control of the thirties, but is also growing in size and authority. Serov has been playing dead, but for every day he stays in his position, the authority of the KGB grows by one day.

This is the third time that the Soviet security and police system has competed for supreme power. The first two times Beria and Sherepin failed, and this time, Serov was ready to hide behind Andropov and achieve his goal in the safest way.

This time, the KGB will come to the front of the stage from behind the scenes, personally control the country, and fight the United States for the victory.

"Comrade Andropov, I would love to see the day when the USSR triumphs over the United States, but almost I am very old, and there is one thing I want to finish and not do well. I always felt a little uneasy in my heart. Brezhnev, who was about to leave Russia and arrive in Central Asia, said, "Now that China is settled, we can rest assured that we will confront the United States, right?" ā€

"We can see that the changes in China, in any case, are no worse than they were in the seventies. Any change is good for us! Andropov did not say the conclusion that Serov said that it was futile, and from the point of view of the state, he also hoped that relations between the USSR and China would return to the honeymoon period of the fifties.

Soon, Brezhnev, who was slightly afraid of exhaustion, arrived in Kazakhstan and began to inspect the entire five Central Asian countries from the place of his old subordinate Kunaev.

"Comrade Nazarbayev?" Andropov found one of the cadres mentioned by Serov in the crowd, the 41-year-old Nazarbayev, the secretary of the Central Committee of the Kazakh Communist Party, was already one of the highest-ranking cadres in Kazakhstan, and was even regarded as a successor by the first secretary Kunaev.

"Secretary Andropov, I'm Nursultan Nazarbayev, and welcome to Kazakhstan." Nazarbayev welcomed Moscow's visit and wanted to speak in a larger area rather than be a local cadre. This is at least to reach Kunaev's status, and of course he wants more in his heart.

"Comrade Serov remembers you!" Andropov praised without mince words, "I have the impression that our stern General Political Commissar has not praised anyone, and if I am not mistaken, you seem to be the only one." ā€

"The only one? I didn't expect that Yura, who focuses on external affairs, can also discover the advantages of domestic cadres. Brezhnev interjected slowly, and then looked at the dignified minority cadre. The Soviet Union has always had a tradition of brushing his face, and Brezhnev was once valued all the way to becoming general secretary because of Stalin's praise.

Serov? Nazarbayev suddenly remembered that many years ago, he had met the Soviet giant. The two sides also had a brief conversation, never thinking that after so many years, they would always be in his sight. Thinking of this, Nazarbayev doesn't know whether to be happy or happy, and has been kept in the eyes of the KGB chairman, is this a good thing or a bad thing?

A few days later, Brezhnev arrived in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, to routinely pacify local cadres. Andropov, who was also with him, never left the crowd that welcomed him. Even if all of them were shot, not a single one would be wronged, and from the evidence that Serov gave himself, there were no innocent people at all.

Being welcomed by such a group of embezzlers, Andropov's mood is definitely not good, but these people are not welcome to him, the chairman of the Central Supervisory Commission, this is definitely not a popular role, just look at the treatment of Sherepin back then, these people wish Andropov would follow in Shelepin's footsteps and get out of Moscow's circle of power.

The next day, Brezhnev addressed local cadres in Tashkent, and at the same time talked about the Chinese question. Brezhnev repeatedly stressed that the Soviet Union had offered to hold Sino-Soviet border talks again.

Brezhnev called for the normalization of relations between China and the Soviet Union, and "the principled stand adopted by our party and the Soviet state on the issue of Soviet-Chinese relations has been clearly stated in the resolutions of the 25th and 26th Congresses of the CPSU. I would like to add the following points here: First, although we have openly criticized the policies pursued by the Chinese leadership, especially many of the views in foreign policy that are inconsistent with the principles and norms of socialism, we have never wanted to interfere in the internal life of the People's Republic of China. We have not denied the existence of a socialist social system in the past, nor do we deny it now. Although Beijing echoes the policies of imperialism on the world stage, it is clearly contrary to the interests of socialism. ā€

"Second, we have never supported the so-called 'two Chinas' concept in any way, and we have fully recognized and still recognize the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China over the islands. Thirdly, from the Soviet side, there was and is no threat to the PRC. We have not, and do not present, any territorial claims to China, and are prepared to continue negotiations on the existing border issue at any time in order to reach a mutually acceptable solution. We are also ready to discuss the issue of possible measures to strengthen mutual confidence in the Soviet-Chinese border areas. ā€

"Fourth, we vividly remember the era when the bonds of friendship with comradely cooperation united the Soviet Union and the Chinese people. We have never considered hostility and estrangement between our two countries to be normal. We are ready to reach an agreement on mutually acceptable measures to improve Soviet-Chinese relations without preconditions, on the basis of mutual respect for each other's interests, non-interference in each other's affairs and mutual benefit, of course, without prejudice to the interests of third countries. This will involve both economic, scientific and cultural relations, as well as political relations, but it will depend on the extent to which the parties will be willing to take certain concrete steps in any of these areas......"

"Chairman, Secretary Suslov is hospitalized." The head of the General Services Department, Servanov, came in and reported that in the absence of Brezhnev, Suslov was the number one man in Moscow.

"Got it, I'll go right away." Serov simply stood up and hurried to the will, this year's October Revolution Day, the rostrum on Red Square, the ideological authority of the so-called gray cardinal was missing.

"Maybe this time, I might not be able to make it." Next to the hospital bed, there were glasses that had accompanied him for decades, Suslov's moaning was weak, and in the blink of an eye he had been in the ward for more than a month, and he did not even participate in the October Revolution Day.

The life and death of the country is profitable, how can it be avoided because of Mao Mei