The People's Party's information about Beiyang is not transparent enough, and Beiyang's information about the People's Party is almost transparent. For example, Zheng Wenjie, who is now in charge of the intelligence office of the War Department, once again connected with the People's Party and began to pass on general information to the People's Party almost wholesale. This information is not particularly classified, but fortunately it covers a wide range of areas, from the establishment of the army to all kinds of problems encountered. The People's Party likes this kind of intelligence, and after detailed analysis, it can not only get a lot of military arrangements in Beiyang, but also understand a lot of details about Beiyang.

Zheng Wenjie's betrayal of Beiyang again was voluntary, and after learning about the signing of the "Far East War Memorandum" through his own channels, and after reading the terms of the "Far East War Memorandum", he understood that Yuan Shikai was going to be emperor. Zheng Wenjie was extremely disgusted by this, and the reason for opposing Yuan Shikai's claim to be emperor was simple, "None of the descendants of the Yuan family looked at Chengqi."

For Zheng Wenjie, it is not any problem for Yuan Shikai to be the emperor himself, whether it is ability, strength, or sense of belonging, Zheng Wenjie will support Yuan Shikai to become the emperor. However, the title of emperor represents not only the power of life and death, but also represents that the Yu Yuan family will become a royal family. This is what Zheng Wenjie cannot accept. The next generation of the Yuan family, from Yuan Keding to Yuan Kewen, none of them can be looked down upon by Zheng Wenjie. Thinking of such a group of people becoming the crown prince and then ascending to the throne of the emperor, Zheng Wenjie felt a burst of extreme disgust.

Of course, before continuing to work with the People's Party, Cheng Wenjie also had psychological struggles, and he was not relieved until he figured out one thing. Originally, Zheng Wenjie felt that Yuan Shikai's title of emperor was nothing remarkable, if the emperor was just an honorific title and did not involve inherited power, then what was the difference between the current president? Even if President Yuan Shikai is re-elected, or even becomes president for life, Zheng Wenjie will not have a word of complaint. If it was only Yuan Shikai himself who had obtained unlimited power, why did Yuan Shikai bother to get so many moths out. No matter what Yuan Shikai said just to get a righteous name for a more effective use of power, doesn't the current Yuan Shikai have such a righteous name? Isn't the power of the president equal to that of the emperor still insufficient? Since he wants to be called emperor, there will naturally be a royal family. With royalty, there is blood inheritance. So no matter what, Yuan Shikai put the rise and fall of his family above the Beiyang Group. Zheng Wenjie is certainly unlikely to support it.

Facts have proved that Zheng Wenjie is not a meaningless fantasy. "Sima Zhao's heart is known to everyone", there are already people in Beiyang shouting to support Yuan Shikai as emperor. There are a lot of people who understand it these days.

Now that Zheng Wenjie has determined that he absolutely does not support Yuan Shikai's son to become emperor, Zheng Wenjie has very limited choices, or even only one, that is, Yuan Shikai must not be allowed to eliminate the People's Party. For this choice, Zheng Wenjie got the result very quickly. Yuan Shikai and the People's Party have reached a situation where it is absolutely impossible to coexist, and in this case, they either support Yuan Shikai or support the People's Party. With Yuan Shikai's perverse behavior, as well as the strength of the People's Party's military power. Mr. Cheng quickly got in touch with the People's Party's Beijing intelligence service. The People's Party has never forced defectors like Cheng Wenjie to produce any classified documents. As long as Zheng Wenjie can provide relevant information and characteristics of Beiyang's establishment, garrison, and commanders at all levels.

In the past two years, the expansion of the Beiyang army has been fierce, and Zheng Wenjie found that the People's Party has actually infiltrated the Beiyang army. As a middle-level officer in the Intelligence Office of the War Department, Zheng Wenjie would never have copied and copied all day. The copying was handed over to a new clerk, who was an intelligence officer of the People's Party. After a private investigation, Zheng Wenjie found that the document actually followed Xu Shichang's path, which made Zheng Wenjie completely dead. It's not that Zheng Wenjie thinks that Xu Shichang will betray Yuan Shikai, and it's not that Xu Shichang will collude with the People's Party. But the incompetence of Beiyang as a whole has reached this level, and the people of the prime minister's line will also be infiltrated by the People's Party. After discovering this fact, Zheng Wenjie was even more disillusioned about the future of Beiyang. You must know that Beiyang's intelligence work has not been able to infiltrate the People's Party so far. And the People's Party has begun to enter the rather confidential departments of Beiyang.

Asked the document to copy a roster of officers of the newly compiled Beiyang army, and Zheng Wenjie glanced at the document again. The young man in his twenties was taciturn, but not out of place. You can do whatever you want every day, and everyone won't hate him even if they don't like him. Who would have thought that such an honest man would actually be a spy for the BJP? After receiving the task, the clerk answered the call and began to work, and behaved like an ordinary clerk. This kind of focus and obedience, Zheng Wenjie also likes it.

Sitting back in his office, Cheng couldn't help but wonder how the People's Party would respond to such a change. How brutal will future wars be? As a civilian, Zheng Wenjie is unlikely to go to the battlefield in person, but he himself cannot help but fear the final battle that will break out in the future.

The BJP is clearly not afraid, or the situation leaves no room for the BJP to fear. "Who is our enemy and who is our friend!" Reality no longer needs to be considered. At the end of "An Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society" it is stated most clearly: "To sum up, it can be seen that all the warlords, bureaucrats, comprador class, and large landlord class, as well as a part of the reactionary intelligentsia attached to them, who collude with imperialism, are our enemies. The industrial proletariat is the leading force of our revolution. All semi-proletariat, petty bourgeoisie, are our closest friends. The wavering middle class, whose right wing may be our enemy, and its left wing may be our friend - but we must always be on our guard against them, lest they disturb our front. ”

Whether or not there is "collusion with imperialism" is the fundamental criterion for dividing friend and foe. Beiyang and its vassals have undoubtedly colluded with imperialism. Some comrades in the People's Party once had doubts about Chen Ke's "prophecy," and facts have proved that Chen Ke's prophecy was not correct at all. In the end, Beiyang turned from a self-proclaimed guardian of China's leader to a vassal of imperialism, and completely stood on the opposite side of the people's revolution.

Chen Ke has always hoped that the comrades can emancipate their minds, and the development of the situation has indeed allowed the comrades to see the truth, which is a supreme joy for Chen Ke. On January 16, 1915, the People's Party convened the Third Plenary Session of the Second Central Committee of the People's Party in Wuhan. At the plenary session, in addition to continuing to confirm Chairman Chen Ke's leading position within the Party and the guiding position of the People's Revolutionary Thought, Chen Ke made a report on "Strategic Outlook from a Global Perspective in the New Era" to all the representatives of the Central Committee of the People's Party.

“…… It is no longer possible for China to remain isolated from the rest of the world, imperialism comes from all over the world, and China's people's revolution is doomed to misjudge the situation without a global strategic vision. The collusion between the Beiyang clique and its vassals in suppressing the Chinese people's revolution with imperialism was an inevitable choice for both sides based on their respective interests. The whole party must have a profound understanding of this. There are individuals who betray the class, but there is no class that betrays interests. As long as the Beiyang clique and its vassal cliques continue to uphold the old order of oppressing the people, they will constantly seek collaborators of the same class and constantly try to suppress the people's revolution. Whether they are raising their knives against the revolution, whether they are trying to plead on our knees, what these people are asking for is absolutely the preservation of the old agrarian system, the preservation of the privileged position they had under the old system......"

Chen Ke has made such a clear distinction between friend and foe on more than one occasion, but this time it has particularly touched the comrades. Originally, the comrades did not expect that the landlord class, which had once opposed imperialism, would really join forces with imperialism, and that no matter what kind of "hardships" there were, joining forces with imperialism would mean betrayal of China. If in the past, some members of the People's Party dared to say a few words to the landlords, and some of the party members did not speak and were more tolerant to the landlords within the scope of the system. Today, no one dares to oppose it anymore.

"Comrades, I emphasize again. The competition between the industrialized socialist system and the agricultural private land ownership system to be established by our people's revolution is a competition between the two systems and between the two modes of subsistence. In such institutional competition, the loser must withdraw from the stage of history. This is not subject to our personal will, it is the ultimate competition of interests at the social level. In such a competition at the social level, whether active or passive, whether it is active awareness or ignorance, this kind of competition is either/or, and there is no neutral space. Either long live the owners of capital, or long live the laborers. There is simply no third way to go. ”

It meant that when the sound of the horn of the decisive battle was still echoing in the conference hall, a group of extremely excited comrades stood up and applauded warmly.

"Down with imperialism!"

"Down with the Beiyang reactionary regime!"

"Down with feudal land ownership!"

"Long live the laborers! Long live the working people! ”

After a few beats or a few beats, the other comrades either stood up and applauded, either actively or passively, and joined in the shouting of slogans.

Chen Ke was neither complacent nor embarrassed, and his calm gaze swept over the more than 3,300 national representatives of the People's Party in front of him. They represent the 660,000 members and probationary members of the BJP across the country. This is the representative of the most powerful political party in China at the moment. In the near future, Chen Ke will lead these comrades to liberate the whole of China.

Raising his left hand, Chen Ke said loudly: "Please sit down first, comrades." ”

The party delegates obediently sat back in their seats, "Comrades, the struggle of the system is a struggle between people and a struggle of lifestyle, but it is useless to solve this problem by purely physical annihilation. We in the People's Party are revolutionaries but not murderers, and in this regard I hope that all comrades will uphold the humanitarian principles of the revolution, and that we will have no reason to give up the struggle against the enemy before us, and that we will give the enemy who has surrendered the opportunity to take the road of the workers. We must have the broad-mindedness of this revolutionary. This concludes this statement. ”

After the meeting, Chen Ke finally got out of the encirclement of enthusiastic comrades, and Lu Huitian hurriedly seized the opportunity to discuss his recent work with Chen Ke. "What about the captured members of the Huaxing Society? Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren were very stubborn. ”

This is a conceivable outcome, and the revolutionaries who did their best to overthrow the Manchus in the Xinhai Revolution were not the same as supporters of the people's revolution. Because there were a group of cadres from the earlier Yue Wang Association in the Huaxing Society, when they liberated Hunan, this group of people resisted extremely stubbornly, and their will to fight was firmer than that of the Hunan government army. According to the distinction, these people cannot even be called prisoners, but war criminals.

Chen Ke never imagined that these well-known revolutionary predecessors would become his own prisoners, and according to the theory of the people's revolution, these people can basically be classified as counter-revolutionaries. If it was the previous Chen Ke, he was afraid that he couldn't help but sigh. Chen Ke replied calmly: "Since they are stubborn, then continue to lock them up for a while." We in the BJP do not need these people to be window dressers. ”

"But Mr. Qiu Jin and Mr. Xu Xilin have already arrived......," Lu Huitian said.

Chen Ke glanced at Lu Huitian coldly, but this dissatisfaction was not so much aimed at Lu Huitian as at Chen Ke himself. Politics is not a child's play, but the ultimate competition of interests, and it has its own extremely dark side in politics. Chen Ke had already decided to sacrifice Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin in his heart. And the purpose of sacrificing the two is to educate the BJP more deeply. But even with Chen Ke's calm mind, he still can't be sure that what he did is absolutely right.

Lu Huitian was extremely smart, and after seeing Chen Ke's attitude, he had his own thoughts, and he hurriedly replied: "I will hold this matter down first, and I will talk about it later." So the organization of representatives to visit Wuhan industrial construction is scheduled until the day after tomorrow, will Chairman Chen hold a meeting later? ”

Members of the Politburo Standing Committee have visited Wuhan's industrial construction many times, and You You, a member of the Politburo, is simply the person in charge of presiding over industrial construction. It is really fitting that a meeting of the Politburo should be held while the comrades are visiting.

"Wasn't this meeting scheduled in advance?" Chen Ke was a little surprised by this. Theoretically, all the schedules should have been determined a long time ago, but how could there be a sudden adjustment of the Politburo meeting.

"It was originally arranged in advance, but recently the intelligence services have received some information about security, and there are signs of assassination by enemies at home and abroad. The comrades of the political security department demanded that the schedule be adjusted, so there had to be a temporary change. Lu Huitian replied helplessly.

When it comes to security, even Chen Ke has no choice. At this time, the reactionaries will definitely jump over the wall in a hurry, and even if they are destroyed, they will want to pull on their backs. Originally, the People's Party could have used revolutionary terror to counter counter-revolutionary terror, but Chen Ke could not deviate from the historical policy of the party never engaging in assassination. Thinking of this, Chen Ke sighed: "Safety first. ”

"Qiu Jin and Mr. Xu Xilin's letters, I will reply after a while." Lu Huitian confirmed again.

Chen Ke waved his hand, "No, tell them directly that the current revolutionary situation has changed." The former revolutionaries are likely to turn into counter-revolutionaries in the current situation. It's not that they have changed, it's that the circumstances of the revolution have changed. Don't be too subtle. ”

"What if Mr. Qiu, they think we're sowing discord?" Lu Huitian asked.

"Then we can't help it, since we have replied, we have to tell the truth, right?" Chen Ke asked rhetorically.

Sure enough, as Lu Huitian was worried about, in the Changxing County Government of the Western Zhejiang Branch of the Restoration Society, Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin did not say anything immediately after reading the letter signed by Lu Huitian. After a while, Qiu Jin said: "Wen Qing actually stirred up discord? It's unbelievable. ”

Everyone knows the contradiction between the Zhejiang West Branch of the Liberation Society and the headquarters of the Liberation Society, and Lu Hui Tianxin has already said clearly, "Long live the owners of the assets or long live the laborers, this is a fundamental contradiction that can never be compromised." Since the two are inclined to the interests of workers in western Zhejiang, they will definitely be opposed by the owners of the assets. At different times, the revolutionaries would look like two people. In fact, this was not the case, but the overthrow of the Manchus was the main contradiction at a certain time, but the feudal landowners always had the primary goal of defending their own interests. ”

This unmistakably shows that the Zhejiang West Branch of the Liberation Society has become a thorn in the side of the landlords, and they want the two to see the situation clearly and choose a position. As far as Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin are concerned, this is a naked sowing of discord. Cai Yuanpei is also a university scholar in the Restoration Society, and there is no problem with character and knowledge, and the People's Party's hint that Cai Yuanpei will stand on the landlord's side and attack the western Zhejiang branch, which cannot but make Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin feel ridiculous.

"It seems that Wen Qing is absolutely unwilling to let go of Mr. Huang Xing and Mr. Song Jiaoren." There was some regret in Xu Xilin's voice.

"Bosun, no matter what happened before, the two of them are now prisoners, we can't sit idly by." Qiu Jin was a little unhappy with Xu Xilin's attitude. As early as the period of the Alliance, in order to push Sun Yat-sen to power, these two people still engaged in a lot of political tricks behind their backs. More importantly, the leader of the Restoration Society at that time was Tao Chengzhang, who hated Sun Yat-sen very much and had many conflicts with Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren. Xu Xilin and Tao Chengzhang have a bad relationship, and naturally it is impossible to really like Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren. But Qiu Jin is bold and hateful about these intrigues. Chen Ke was so faceless to the previous revolutionary aspirants, Qiu Jin was a little untouchable.

While he was talking, the guards outside came in and said, "Two gentlemen, Tao Gong is here." ”

"Tao Gong is here?" Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin were overjoyed, and the two hurriedly greeted them.

Sure enough, Tao Chengzhang took two entourages and waited outside the county yamen of Changxing County. As soon as he saw the two of them, Tao Chengzhang smiled and said, "Bosun and Jianhu have been doing well recently. ”

The two introduced Tao Chengzhang into the back hall of the county government, and as soon as the three of them sat down, Tao Chengzhang had already said with a straight face: "There is going to be a big battle recently, have you ever heard of it?" ”

The decisive battle between Beiyang and the People's Party is no longer a special secret, and Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin both nodded.

"Mr. Cai asked us to come to Hangzhou for a meeting to discuss this matter." Tao Chengzhang said.

"Then you don't have to bother Tao Gong to deliver the letter." Qiu Jin asked.

Tao Chengzhang replied slowly: "One of the things to be discussed at Mr. Cai's meeting this time is to thoroughly implement the autonomy of the squire. Anyway, I haven't had anything to do lately, so I'm just going to come over and bring you a letter. ”