Now every two days, the secretary reports to Chen Ke about the schedule for the next two days, "Chairman Chen, after meeting the comrades of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, do you want to meet with Comrade Xu Xilin and Comrade Qiu Jin?" ”

"When did they come?" Chen Ke was quite surprised, if it was before, Chen Ke would know after these two people arrived at the base area.

"It's been almost two days since I came. But the British representative was there at that time, so he didn't tell you. The secretary replied.

"Let's arrange it now, I'll see them as soon as possible today." Chen Ke replied that although the Liberation Society and the People's Party are becoming more and more estranged, once the war with Beiyang begins, it would be better for Zhejiang to maintain a neutral attitude.

"So when do I have time?" Chen Ke asked the secretary.

"This time, it's not just Qiu Jin and Chen Tianhua, there are three other people who also want to meet Chairman Chen with them." The secretary said with some embarrassment.

"Who?" Chen Ke became a little interested.

"Two Japanese comrades, Kita Kazuki and Miyazaki. There is also a Chinese student named Zhou Shuren, who used to study in Japan. The secretary looked at the record and replied, "Comrade Miyazaki was introduced to our People's Party by Comrade Hitoshi Kuroshima. I have been working in our base for more than a year. Recently, we investigated the background in detail, and the background of this comrade is very complicated. Comrade Miyazaki was a Japanese socialist and had a good relationship with the League, especially with Sun Yat-sen. The Japanese government seems to be very concerned about this comrade. Comrade Zhou Shuren seems to have offended our comrades in the party when he was in Japan, and some comrades who are also international students seem to dislike him very much, and feel that this person's political attitude is quite conservative. ”

Chen Ke had never heard of the name Miyazaki, but he just thought that the name sounded very imposing. As for Zhou Shuren, Chen Ke is very clear about the contradictions between him and Japanese students. At the end of 1905, Chinese students in Japan were instigated by the League to strike and return to China. Zhou Shuren has not yet used the pen name Lu Xun, and he made it clear that he will not return to China, but will complete his studies. Chen Ke is not very clear about whether Zhou Shuren has completed his studies, at least in the matter of asking to complete his studies, Chen Ke supports Zhou Shuren. It's just that there are quite a few comrades in the People's Party who were born as Japanese students, and they still have some doubts about Zhou Shuren's refusal to "follow the revolutionary situation."

"If it's these three people, you can let them come together. Let's schedule it. Chen Ke said with a smile.

At other times, Chen Ke had official business, and the secretary finally arranged the meeting for dinner. After all, Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin are both old friends of Chen Ke, and having a meal together is more suitable for such a situation.

Xu Xilin, Qiu Jin, and Bei Yihui have all been seen by Chen Ke many times, Zhou Shuren and Chen Ke have seen them many times in photos, but it is the first time that Chen Ke has seen this comrade, Miyazaki. He didn't expect Miyazaki to be a middle-aged man in his forties. With a big beard on his face, he looks heroic.

After the six of them introduced themselves a little, Chen Ke had already brought a simple meal with his lover He Ying and the guards. The five guests never expected that Chen Ke would personally serve food to everyone, and their expressions changed slightly.

"That's how you order food at home, and everyone eats whatever you want. I'll go to the back first. He Ying said briskly.

"Mrs. Chen, let's eat together." Qiu Jin said politely.

"You will have dinner and talk about business today, and there will be no shortage of time. I took my daughter to dinner, and I had to supervise her homework after eating. I'll take my leave. After He Ying finished speaking, he left the living room.

"Ladies and gentlemen, I don't have any wine in my house, everyone replaces wine with tea, and I wish you good health." Chen Ke raised his teacup.

Although the six people are not pretentious, they are all very well-behaved, and Chen Ke found that every time he picks up vegetables, he only clips the part that is close to him. Like it or not, at least a few bites of each dish. The crowd was silent, and the meal was finished in a short time.

Chen Ke and the guards collected the dishes and chopsticks together, and made tea, Qiu Jin smiled: "Wen Qing, when we ate together eight years ago, I really didn't expect Wen Qing to have the current achievements. ”

In 1905, Chen Ke first wanted to make a revolution with the Liberation Society, but the cooperation between the two sides did not last long. Compared with eight years ago, Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin have a lot of gray hair on their sideburns, including Chen Ke, none of them are as immature as they were when they were young, and the turmoil they have experienced has made everyone a lot calmer.

"Sister Qiu, how are the injuries on your body on weekdays?" Chen Ke asked.

Qiu Jin was no longer as fierce as before, she replied in a calm tone, "Thank you Wenqing for your concern, as soon as it rains, I know that I have been injured, but I can't remember this at all on weekdays." This time, Bosun and I came to see Wen Qing and wanted to ask about one thing. The People's Party's land reform program was very intense, and the landlords and gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang were very panicked. But I don't know if Wen Qing is just scaring and scaring them, or if he really wants to do it to the end. ”

Chen Ke felt a little surprised, if it was just for such an idea, it was really impossible to labor Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin to come to the base area together. Mo said that Chen Ke would not say anything nonsense on this issue to his face, and even if the two of them wrote to him, Chen Ke would not hide the political program of the People's Party in the slightest.

"We have already published a program, and whether the gentry are afraid or not, there can be no change in the slightest degree in the land reform." Chen Ke replied.

Xu Xilin said with a serious expression: "Wenqing, the gentry and inferior gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang are limited, and it is very common for a family to have more than ten acres of land. According to the People's Party's land reform policy, each person has three acres of land, and once the land is reformed, many families will lose part of their land. I think that in the constitution of the People's Party, all the surplus land should be formed into state farms, isn't this a competition for profit with the people? ”

Chen Ke patiently explained: "There is no need for a small-scale peasant economy to exist under the industrial system, and the state-owned land is the core of land reform, which is not a competition for profit with the people, China's land is probably less than 200,000 mu, and the population is between 40,000 and 50,000, even if it is evenly distributed, it is only four mu per person." If there is no land reform, some people will definitely starve to death. In the policies of our People's Party, everyone has the right to survive. Without land reform, we will not be able to guarantee everyone's right to subsistence. ”

Xu Xilin shook his head, "Wenqing, you said in the announcement that there is no subsidy for land reform, and all of everyone's land will be nationalized. Many people have accumulated land for generations, and these hardships are turned a blind eye? I don't think that's right. ”

"We don't have the money to buy it, and that's the key. Valuable funds need to be invested in industrial construction. Without industry, China has no future. ”

"At least make it up afterwards, right?" Xu Xilin tried his best to convince Chen Ke.

Chen Ke was unmoved, "We do not recognize the privatization of land, China's land is the land of the Chinese people, and the grain produced on the land is to feed the entire Chinese." We can leave aside other issues of private ownership for now, but the nationalization of land must be implemented in any case. The first and foremost of the current Chinese revolution is the agrarian revolution, and if it cannot be solved, the government cannot guarantee that everyone will survive. The government does not know magic, we do not have the ability to spit food, and if we want to ensure that the people have food and do not starve to death, we must nationalize the land. ”

Having said this, Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin both showed disappointed looks. On the contrary, Miyazaki couldn't help but say loudly: "That's good! ”

Kita Yihui frowned, "Brother Miyazaki, there is an ancient Chinese saying called living and working in peace and contentment. Without one's own food, how can one have a family business? If there is no family business, how can we talk about happiness. ”

Seeing that Kita Yihui was not against himself, but directly against Miyazaki, Chen Ke was a little surprised.

"No!" Miyazaki said loudly, "In the past, I planted the land by myself, and I was responsible for the harvest and the poor harvest. After nationalization, farming is a member of the country's grain production, and the state will naturally help in various situations. The relationship between the state and the laborers is no longer only a tax relationship, but a whole union with the laborers. This is the progress of social formations, and this is justice. ”

"The state has the responsibility of the state, and the people have the obligations of the people. If you do this, the country becomes stronger and stronger, and you can drive the people at will, where is the freedom? Kita clearly disagrees with Miyazaki's monstrous views.

"The state is an instrument of class rule, and labor is the only way to create value. The question is not who owns the land and the means of production, but who is the ruling class of the country. How the ruling class wants to achieve its own interests. "Miyazaki was unrelenting.

Hearing this, Chen Ke was able to roughly tell that this was a petty bourgeois debate on socialism. He didn't participate in it, but turned his head and asked Zhou Shuren, "What did Mr. Zhou come to our base for?" ”

Zhou Shuren had been listening quietly to the crowd, and suddenly saw Chen Ke talking to him, but he was quite surprised, "I read Mr. Chen's articles "Diary of a Madman", "Blessing", and the recent "The True Story of Ah Q", and I really admire Mr. Chen. I just happened to know that Mr. Xu and Mr. Qiu were coming, so I begged the two of you to take me here to have a look. ”

Chen Ke now feels that his face has passed the grade from thin to thick, and has entered the realm from thick to nothing. Even if it was plagiarized from the future article of Zhou Shuren in front of him, Chen Ke didn't even feel a trace of guilt. He smiled: "I thought that Mr. Zhou wanted to find a job in our base area, but now I heard that Mr. Zhou just came to see it, I am quite disappointed." ”

Hearing Chen Ke so straightforwardly soliciting Zhou Shuren, Xu Xilin smiled and said: "Shuren is currently our hospital director, Wen Qing, you can't just kidnap people for me." ”

Chen Ke didn't expect Zhou Shuren to actually do the profession of a parliamentarian, but he was a little surprised. But these are all details, Chen Ke asked: "Brother Xu, since you came to ask me about this land reform, can you tell me why?" I know that Beiyang is already at odds with our People's Party. I guess the government of other provinces, whether it is the gentry, will support our People's Party in this matter. Brother Xu is currently occupying western Zhejiang, but I don't know what Brother Xu thinks of us? ”

Xu Xilin showed a look of embarrassment on his face, "Wenqing, if I ask my family to hand over the land and property, as long as I can promote the Chinese revolution, I will be willing to give it to my foolish brother." Many revolutionary comrades also think the same way. But the vast number of gentry and landlords who supported the revolution often had only some land in their homes. Everyone knows that our Western Zhejiang Branch of the Liberation Society gets along with the People's Party, so many people have cut off their support for us these days, and some people have come to us to question our Western Zhejiang Branch's views on land reform. Many of the letters sent by the comrades' homes were full of fear. So that many comrades can not work with peace of mind. ”

This is all true, the sincerity and anxiety revealed in Xu Xilin's tone made Bei Yihui and Miyazaki couldn't help but stop arguing, and everyone's eyes fell on Chen Ke for a while.

"Brother Xu, have you heard of the class interests represented by revolutionaries that our People's Party has talked about?" Chen Ke asked.

"Please Wen Qingfen." Xu Xilin replied.

Chen Ke leaned back in his chair, stared at Xu Xilin's eyes, and looked at it for a long time before replying: "The vast majority of revolutionaries think that they have the world in their hearts, and if the revolution is successful, the revolution he promotes can bring the greatest benefits to everyone in the world." Actually, it's not like that at all. Revolutionaries inevitably represent the interests of a certain class. It's just that some people recognize it, and some people don't. As Brother Xu just said, you represent the interests of the local landlords and gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang to a large extent, and when their interests are threatened, whether you personally want to or not, you think that you have the obligation to guarantee their interests. Whether you have to or are forced to, you will stand on their side. That's your class position. ”

Xu Xilin trembled slightly, and he also stared at Chen Ke and retorted loudly: "Otherwise! If it does not benefit all people in the world, it is incomplete. The people are hard, but what is the gentry's crime? According to the revolution carried out by the Wenqing, it is not known whether the common people will be able to benefit, but the gentry will be bankrupt in the first place. How is this different from looting? ”

"Brother Xu, this is the decisive difference between the People's Party and the Liberation Society. The class stand of our People's Party is on the side of the broad masses of workers and on the side of the poor people of the moment. Creating a tomorrow for the welfare of the workers and peasants is the class interest of our People's Party. No matter what posture the Liberation Society shows, in the final analysis, it is still on the side of the propertied people. You have also done something that seems to be beneficial to the broad masses of the working people, but at the critical moment you immediately sided with the gentry and landlords. Even if you don't push forward the revolution, you must first of all guarantee the vested interests of the landlords and gentry. ”

This was very polite, Xu Xilin's face became quite ugly, Qiu Jin was not deeply touched by this class, but because he was worried that Chen Ke and Xu Xilin would turn their faces directly while talking, Qiu Jin showed an uneasy expression.

Chen Ke did not care about this, history has long proved countless times that even if the interests of the propertied and the communist revolution can coexist in some cases, in the final analysis, there will be a life-and-death struggle. An unreliable ally is sometimes more dangerous than an enemy with a clear attitude. So no matter how ugly the faces of his two old friends were, Chen Ke said calmly, "I have had Brother Xu's idea before, thinking that if everyone makes a move, the sea and the sky will be wide, and the world will be peaceful." But in reality this is not possible. What is needed when working is cooperation, which is the strength of more people, and the better work of many people. But when the fruits of labor are distributed, it is a zero-sum game, that is, it is better to eat with fewer people. There is only so much in one pot of rice, and if you eat more, others will have to eat less. Whether it is labor that determines how much a person can distribute, or how much a person can allocate by the land he occupies. This is the contradiction between fire and water. Either the propertied occupy the right of distribution, or the laborers occupy the right of distribution. ”

"Well said!" Miyazaki couldn't help but praise him.

It seems that Kita Ichiki and Miyazaki have been arguing about this matter for a long time, and seeing Miyazaki's statement, Kita Ichiki immediately said: "If a perfect state system can be established so that both the propertied and the laborers can be properly distributed, this contradiction is not too much of a problem." ”

Chen Ke turned to Kita Yihui, "If the contradiction between the propertied and the laborer in a system can be relegated to a secondary contradiction, it is only for one reason. Both sides had to face a common external enemy that threatened the survival of both the propertied and the toilers. But this kind of cooperation and coexistence is extremely unstable, isn't that the case with China's Boxer? Originally, the Boxers were to resist foreign invaders, so they proposed to help Qing and destroy the foreigners. There were also contradictions between the Manchu court and the foreign devils, so the two sides cooperated. As a result, foreign countries attacked the Manchu court, and then the Manchu court immediately colluded with foreign devils to suppress the Boxer Rebellion. In the end, the Boxer Movement turned into a sweep away and annihilation! There are many comrades in our People's Party who came from the Boxers, and they can give you a good explanation of the details. Not only the Boxers, but also the Meiji Restoration in Japan, the King faction and the Shoku faction. Originally, the royal faction was against the founding of Japan and wanted to drive the foreigners out of Japan, but after the failure, they found that this method did not work, so they simply kept in close contact with the foreigners. He made full use of trade with foreigners and armed himself, and finally overthrew the shogunate, which had advocated limited trade. There are too many things to change the hall based on self-interest, and it is not too much to say for three days and three nights just as an example. ”

Xu Xilin didn't have the patience to listen anymore, and he asked, "That means Wen Qing, you have to confiscate the land of the landlords and gentry no matter what?" ”

"It's not that I want to confiscate the land, what do I want the land for? Rather, our new system wants to nationalize land, so that the working masses who are willing to engage in agricultural work will have land as a means of production for production. The 30 percent tax we collect, including the output of the state farms, is used for industrial construction, so that the laborers engaged in agricultural work in the base areas can have a large number of cheap industrial products to use. Personally, and the comrades of the People's Party as a whole, all earn money and eat through labor, and no one seeks profit by monopolizing the land. This is our class position, this is our class interests. It was in our system that nationalized land, and all land had to be nationalized. This was not for the landlords and gentry, but for the nationalization of anyone's land. ”

Having said that, Xu Xilin stopped for the time being. At least judging from that indignant expression, Xu Xilin already understood what Chen Ke was talking about.

Although Miyazaki was silent, he nodded again and again, and Kita Yihui didn't seem to have found an idea to oppose Chen Ke for the time being, so he lowered his head and remained silent. But Zhou Shuren, who had been silent, spoke: "Mr. Chen, my family only has dozens of acres of thin fields, my younger brothers are still young, and my mother makes a living by collecting rent. If it is according to what you said, how can my family make a living after the land reform? ”

Chen Ke was a little unhappy when he heard this question, in his opinion, Lu Xun should not ask such a question anyway, and his tone was also slightly dissatisfied, "Then go to work." The constitution of our base area clearly stipulates that education and work are the rights and duties of citizens. That is to say, citizens have the right to get the opportunity to work, and citizens must work, which is an obligation. For example, the Zhou family, Mrs. Lu can also get employment opportunities. I heard that Mrs. Lu can still read and write, can come out to teach, and can engage in accounting work after training. And your two younger brothers, Zhou Jianren, Zhou Zuoren can study for free, and if the money is not enough, he can also apply for a student loan from the state. No interest is charged. What is called social progress, this is social progress. Workers of all genders have opportunities. ”

Zhou Shuren didn't speak for a while, but Qiu Jin asked in surprise, "How does Wen Qing know about the situation in Brother Shuren's family?" ”

Chen Ke felt a little regretful, because he didn't control his emotions, he couldn't help but casually tell the situation of Zhou Shu's family that he knew. However, at this point, the explanation is meaningless, and the more you explain, the worse it gets. He simply avoided the topic, "Sister Qiu, when we first met, I said that I would launch a people's revolution of 40,000 compatriots. What kind of life is leather. It is the fate of the former propertied to be the master of the house. What the revolution wants to promote is a world in which the working people are the masters of their own affairs. The socialist system that our People's Party wants to establish can be summed up as science and democracy. Science is to constantly study the laws of nature that are not subject to individual will, and to study the methods of how to better produce labor. Democracy allows workers to participate in the distribution and seek a more reasonable proportion of labor products in the midst of constant quarrels and frictions. In the early days of this revolution, we did not take into account the interests of the private owners of land. This was the agrarian revolution. ”

After hearing this, Qiu Jin was silent. She and Xu Xilin came this time, not fantasizing about getting Chen Ke to retract the People's Party's land reform program that she had previously announced. I just hope that Chen Ke can make a statement, and not show a state of hostility to the landlords so bluntly. What I didn't expect was that Chen Ke's attitude was so resolute. Not only was Chen Ke's attitude towards the landlords completely negative, but he also put a naked and bloody situation of class struggle in front of the two of them. Suddenly seeing such a class struggle that can only be described as incompatible with fire and water, Qiu Jin felt a great discomfort and disgust.

"Does that mean that the People's Party must be the enemy of the landlords and gentry?" Kita Yihui replied sullenly.

"We don't want to be enemies of any specific people, whether it is for the landlords and gentry or for the ordinary working people, we only want the land to be owned by the state. Moreover, after the state was stated, workers who were willing to engage in agriculture were able to get a share of the land. It's not that they didn't even have land to plant after the land was nationalized. The reality is that a part of the landlords and gentry are going to be hostile to the system we are promoting. They are the ones who want to overthrow our system in every possible way. ”

Bei Yihui looked up at Chen Ke, "But after your system appears, it is impossible for them not to object. ”

Chen Ke shook his head slightly, "Mr. Bei Yihui, revolutionaries are all against injustice and inequality. But a section of revolutionaries believed that private ownership of land was not part of injustice and inequality. We in the People's Party believe that the system of exploitation resulting from private ownership of land is itself a great injustice and inequality. This is the root of China's problems. So we insist that private ownership of land in China must be eliminated. This is the only right way to get to the root of the problem. ”

Silence, silence. There was silence in the room. Except for the sound of heavy breathing from excitement, no one spoke. After a long time, Zhou Shuren suddenly smiled bitterly, "Mr. Chen, how many people have to die and how much blood is left?" Listening to what you say, you should be very clear. ”

There was a kind of helplessness in Chen Ke's voice, but there was a kind of firmness, "At least this bloodshed still has meaning." Those who died because of their adherence to the old system made everyone realize that social progress cannot be stopped, and they learned this lesson so that social progress could be more rational and peaceful. Their sacrifice can also be called a sacrifice on the altar of history. If the revolution only allows a group of private owners to kill each other in order to compete for interests, they will end up fattening a few families. There has been no progress in society, and the problem seems to have been solved by killing less of China's population and making it easier for people to eat. This bloodshed is a real tragedy. What is the point of those who died? ”

"Haha," Zhou Shuren smiled bitterly, "Mr. Chen, you wrote in the last chapter of "The True Story of Ah Q" that Ah Q drew circles on the confession, but felt that the drawing was not round enough. But that's what you mean? If the people go through the revolution and end up learning nothing, they can't even draw a circle......"

Speaking of this, Zhou Shuren couldn't say any more, just shook his head again and again.

Chen Ke didn't think about it so much, but as soon as he was reminded by Zhou Shuren, he suddenly had a feeling of sudden realization. Thinking that the significance of the Xinhai Revolution to ordinary people was just an uncircled circle, Chen Ke could only sigh helplessly.