Chapter 51: Choosing and Being Chosen (7)
In China in 1914, no one but the People's Party could understand the concept of industrialization. No matter how smart Zhou Shuren is, he didn't live in the industrial era after all, which makes him not even have a foundation for utopia.
Zhou Shuren could not read the content expounded in the "Communist Manifesto" at all. Even words such as "liberation", "opposition", and "freedom", which can universally resonate with mankind, seem to be passionate, but in fact they are empty words. That was Marx's words in 1948 against Europe, and they did not make sense at all to China, which was still an agrarian country. Even though Zhou Shuren has always paid attention to learning, the history of European thought written by Marx is also in the clouds.
For example, "German philosophers, semi-philosophers, and philosophers of the United States, greedily seized upon this literature, but they forgot that when such writings were moved from France to Germany, the living conditions in France were not moved at the same time." In the German conditions, the French literature completely lost its meaning of direct practice and took on only the form of a purely documentary form. It inevitably manifests itself as a senseless speculation about the real society, about the realization of the essence of man. Thus, the demands of the First French Revolution seemed to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century to be nothing more than the demands of general "practical reason", while the expression of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie was, in their minds, the laws of pure will, original will, and real human will. The only task of the German writers was to reconcile the new French ideas with their old philosophical beliefs, or rather, to grasp the French ideas from their philosophical point of view. β
In this way, Chen Ke, who has time to eat and support in the industrial era, and who has read a lot of related books in order to brag to others, can probably understand what happened, and Zhou Shuren is not in a position to understand what is being said in this sentence. And for Chen Ke today, he is interested in the attitude of Marx's materialist dialectics, "when this kind of work was moved from France to Germany, the living conditions in France were not moved at the same time." In the German conditions, the French literature completely lost its meaning of direct practice and took on only the form of a purely documentary form. β
As for the German tome, Chen Ke was barely able to endure it when he read Nietzsche, and when he saw Kant's things, Chen Ke felt that his torture was only slightly better than that of discrete mathematics. The first part of discrete mathematics is about how to determine true and false propositions, and that is the only thing Chen Ke can do to fall asleep by looking at it.
Chen Ke, who has received a full set of modern education, is still like this, and Zhou Shuren, who has no such study experience at all, is even less likely to understand what these words say. Therefore, after Zhou Shuren read the "Communist Manifesto" in a fog, he saw Chen Ke's corresponding manuscript of the Communist Manifesto, and his eyes lit up.
"There are many ways for China to go forward, and the only way to survive is to industrialize in China." Chen Ke's article is very straightforward, and it goes straight to the point. "China's problem is not an imperial system or a republic at all, nor is it a national character that some people are talking about. Only the industrial countries can defeat the industrial countries, and China, as an agricultural country, will not be able to defeat the industrial countries in any case. The industrialized countries did not have dozens or hundreds of factories, but the industrialization promoted by the industrialized countries was a way of life, a cultural system, and a completely new social system and moral system. It is impossible to save China in any case if we fail to understand that the whole world has irreversibly entered the industrial age, if we think that China's defeat is simply that our weapons are inferior to the enemy, if we only think that foreigners are more barbaric than China, and do not recognize that agricultural countries have a comprehensive and systemic disadvantage compared with industrial countries. If you want to save China and save yourself, there is no other way but to start China's industrialization into the city. β
Although it begins with a conch-like call, the following discussion in conjunction with the Communist Manifesto is quite practical. The industrial country is a social model that combines every worker with the production of society as a whole. Any private ownership of the means of production that is imprisoned will hinder industrial development. This is the theoretical basis for Chen Ke's explanation of why the state ownership of land should be implemented.
Zhou Shuren finally understood why the People's Party was so "ruthless" in dealing with the landlords and gentry. In the political philosophy of the BJP, there is absolutely no room for the private owners of land. This is not a question of personal likes and dislikes, but a question of basic political ideas.
Chen Ke's attitude towards China's existing national industries is simple. If the small producers can survive the impact of the BJP's large-scale industrialization, they naturally have their own raison d'Γͺtre, and there is no need to forcibly eliminate them. If it does not survive, there is no reason for the BJP to come to its aid. The crushing of small capital by large-scale industrial production is an inevitable process. Chen Ke quoted Marx's original words, "Some people reproach us Communists that we want to destroy the property earned by the individual and the property obtained by our own labor, and the property that forms the basis of all the freedom, activity and independence of the individual." What a property earned by labor, earned by oneself, and earned by oneself! Are you talking about the petty-bourgeois, petty-peasant property that preceded the emergence of bourgeois property? That kind of property does not need to be destroyed by us, the development of industry has eliminated it, and it is being eliminated every day. β
As for the literati class, Chen Ke expressed the fullest contempt in his words, "Industrial society has erased the sacred aura of all professions that have always been revered and revered." It turned doctors, lawyers, clergy, poets, and scholars into wage laborers that it paid for. In the era of universal compulsory education in China in the future, all labor is just labor, every position is the result of competition and choice, and anyone who reads a few sentences of a book and knows Braille thinks that he is noble, thinks that he can be above other laborers, or becomes a vassal of the foreign or Chinese bourgeoisie, or all falls into the loser's garbage dump in the cruel competition of industrialization. β
"There will definitely be a group of guys who cling to the past and don't let go, shouting that Sven is gone, and people's hearts are not ancient. However, completely leveling the status of all workers and making everyone a member of social equality will inevitably bring about the true dignity, self-worth and sense of responsibility of all workers in China. β
As for the future of China's industrialization, Chen Ke did not outline any plans to fantasize every second, "The result of industrialization is that the whole of China feels great pain. In addition to bringing more convenience to life, every advance in the industrial process will also bring repetitive mechanical labor, forcing everyone to constantly master more skills and abilities, and integrate more into social life. All the methods that survived in an agrarian society quickly became ineffective in the industrial age. There is simply no other way to survive than to be a social being. There is the pain of being lost, the pain of encountering a strange world, and the inner pain of making everyone look directly at their own essence. Industrial society gives people the feeling that they may not be able to get rid of the pain, but without industrialization, life is worse than death. So, all the workers of China, unite!! β
Reading these harshly worded, unforgiving articles. There is also the era of industrialization that Chen Ke clearly describes. Zhou Shuren has a feeling that Chen Ke is likely to be the one who grew up in this era of industrialization. If he had not experienced this era and felt the pain brought by this era, Chen Ke would never have described the era of industrialization so arrogantly and firmly.
To Zhou Shuren's surprise, he knew that Chen Ke's attitude could be described as "mean", but he couldn't use this word on Chen Ke. Like those outstanding people from the backbone of the old society, Zhou Shuren is not afraid of hard work. Since childhood, Zhou Shuren has understood that pain is the eternal theme of life, and hard work is the only way in life. "There is a diligent path in the book mountain, and there is no end to the hard work of learning the sea." This is not unusual for real readers.
The only thing Zhou Shuren is not sure of is whether the People's Party will be able to fulfill what they promised, or whether Chen Ke will have a chance to fulfill the ideals he has framed. In the People's Party's concept of industrialization, even the scholars should be transformed into "workers in the industrial era". Chen Ke even has an even more distrustful attitude towards the scholars of the old era: "The vast number of working people in China are not averse to labor, and they expect to change their destiny through labor." As long as the prejudice against workers in the old era is broken, they will definitely be able to become excellent workers. But the nature of China's agrarian state determined that the old upper class not only had contempt for laborers, but also had a deep-rooted insistence on hierarchy. It will not be easy to change this attitude and make them proud of being working people, unless the industrialized society of the future has developed to the point where these people are exhausted, and to the point where they understand that if they do not join the ranks of laborers, they will fall into a miserable state of desperation. β
Chen Ke never cared about the attitude of the old literati, and history has proved that it is basically impossible to eliminate the mentality of the old literati cultivated under the feudal system. Moreover, even in the 21st century, the disciples and grandchildren of these people can still set off an upsurge of "Republic of China Fan", which proves the problem even more. If they can be completely excluded from the new era, the positive significance far outweighs the human loss. If these birdmen can stand on the enemy's side and fight the BJP to the death, Chen Ke will be even happier.
How could Zhou Shuren not see such an attitude, but his evaluation of the old literati was basically the same as Chen Ke. The only thing he wanted to finalize was one thing, where did Chen Ke's confidence come from. And this problem cannot be solved without meeting Chen Ke in person once.
However, Zhou Shuren has never been arrogant, and how busy Chen Ke is now, Zhou Shuren can fully imagine. Taking time out for his own little person, Zhou Shuren would never imagine it like this.
"Let's see if the BJP itself can implement their program." Zhou Shuren decided to stay with the People's Party for a while longer.
Military medicine is a hard job, and there are many preparations to be made before the war, and hard work to be put into the war after the war. In the following days, Zhou Shuren clearly felt the hard work of the field hospital of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army. He also established that the program of the BJP was carried out very thoroughly, at least in the military hospital. Everyone only calls each other their positions, and the young doctors and nurses of the People's Party also have a system where they meet every day. Especially the wrap-up meeting in the evening. At the meeting, there were no complaints, but only ways to improve efficiency more effectively. To Zhou's surprise, this efficiency improvement is accompanied by a reduction in labor time as much as possible.
At the beginning of the military hospital, there were too many wounded, and no one talked about shortening working hours. After the initial treatment, the hospital began to rationalize the schedule. I hope that through more effective work, comrades can rest well.
Zhou Shuren knew that in Hangzhou Hospital, everyone thought about such things, but never said them publicly. The People's Party dared to openly and honestly explain these issues to his face, and he could not help but admire Zhou Shuren.
Zhou Shuren was also stunned by the pursuit of self-motivated People's Party doctors, and when he inspected patients, he saw more than one doctor practicing knotting. This is one of the skills necessary for surgery, and the BJP stipulates that more than 60 knots must be tied in a minute to meet the standard. A surgeon in Hangzhou Hospital can hit 20 shots a minute. At the end of their rounds or in their free time, these doctors sit there and practice knotting. Zhou Shuren asked them why they were working so hard, and the young doctor replied with a smile: "I also want to be the attending doctor." The next exam is just around the corner. β
Such an answer means that the BJP's health care system is first and foremost assessed exclusively by skills tests, and these exams are open to all doctors. Zhou Shuren asked the young doctor about his background, and the reply was: "I am from Lijiapu in Shouzhou, Anhui Province, and my parents are both farming. β
The fact that a peasant's child was able to become a doctor here in the BJP is enough to prove too much. At least Zhou Shuren knew very well that less than 10 years ago, none of the people around Zhou Shuren who studied Western medicine were children from poor families.