Chapter 160: Three Thousand Miles of Rivers and Mountains (5)
Not long after the people from the War Department left, the Xiyuan Temple Gongwang came to Takahashi Shiqing, "Takahashi-kun, I heard that you agreed to the War Department's request?" Although he knew that Takahashi was Qing and not the kind of "honest person" who would die after looking up to the sky and howling, the public hope of Xiyuan Temple did not expect that Takahashi Shiqing was quite good at compromise.
"Yes. What we need now is the sincere cooperation of all Japanese people, including the War Office. Takahashi Kiyoshi answered very clearly. After saying that, Takahashi took out another plan, which was a document on the supply of raw materials in economic production. "The results of the past few years have shown that there are abundant minerals in northern Korea, and if we want to increase Japan's industrial output, we must make full use of these minerals. Saionji-kun, if you let those companies related to the navy develop them, do you think you can achieve enough efficiency? β
After looking at the columns of data pointed out by Takahashi Shiqing, the whole person was stunned. In terms of investment and income items, profitability can only be guaranteed if workers' wages are squeezed to a level that is only one-third of that of Japan. Of course, Saionji Konobo knows that when wages are compressed to this level, it is no longer a problem of wages, but a problem of not being able to survive at all.
"Takahashi-kun, what the hell do you mean by that?" Xiyuan Temple Gongwang asked suspiciously.
"The War Department can do that, and I want to let the people at the War Department take care of it." Takahashi said.
"How is it possible for the War Department to do this? Don't their workers eat ......" As soon as Gongwang of Xiyuan Temple said this, he already understood a little. At this time, the public hope of Xiyuan Temple was no longer silent. After a long while, the prince of Xiyuan Temple said to Takahashi Shiqing: "Takahashi-kun, now Korea is also the land of Japan. β
Takahashi said with a grim expression: "Korea is the land of Japan, but no one thinks that Koreans are Japanese nationals. Xiyuan Temple-kun, we all have to face the reality at the moment. These days, I have been thinking about it repeatedly, and this is the only way to solve the current dilemma. There is simply no other way for us to do that. The People's Party is trading with Europe and the United States on a very large scale, and if we in Japan do not increase the scale of trade, we are doomed to failure. In addition, there are many people in Korea who do not regard themselves as Japanese nationals, and there are many people who oppose Japan. They have to be dealt with too. β
The Gongwang of Xiyuan Temple frowned and pondered. This is not because Takahashi Isaki's plan stimulated the humanitarian sentiments of Saionji Kobo, but because Saionji Kojo considered what kind of outcome it would have on Japan's political situation after the War Department obtained the right to develop minerals in northern Korea.
Takahashi is very clear about Saionji's thoughts, and it is actually quite simple to deal with the War Department, after all, the positions of the two sides are very opposite, and any compromise reached at this time is a compromise that everyone has to accept against their will, but it does not involve more troublesome issues. Of course, Takahashi is Kiyoshi does not know that Chen Ke was a die-hard anti-communist in the 70s, but Nixon became an important figure in the dΓ©tente between the United States and China and the Soviet Union. Because no matter what compromise Nixon reached with the Communists, it was impossible for the United States to accuse Nixon of being a "Communist." Takahashi is Kiyoshi does not have to reach any compromise with the War Ministry, and no one in the Japanese political circles will accuse Takahashi of betraying the constitutionalism and defecting to the War Ministry.
However, the Admiralty is precisely a group of people who Takahashi is difficult for Kiyoshi to deal with. Because the Admiralty naturally thinks that Takahashi is Qing favors the Admiralty is a normal performance, anything that gives the War Department a "benefit" will be considered by the Admiralty to be Takahashi is Qing betraying the Admiralty faction. What can make Takahashi Shiqing feel a little relieved is that Saionji Gongwang is a politician who uses power to establish order and use power to realize the policy framework, rather than a politician whose only goal is whether or not he can pursue interests. Even so, the silence of Saionji Gongwang still put great pressure on Takahashi Shiqing.
After being silent for a while, Xiyuan Temple Gongwang said slowly: "The War Department cannot be the leader of the country, but the War Department also represents a part of the people's will, and the embodiment of this public opinion must be incorporated into the constitutional system. β
Takahashi was full of respect when he looked at the Saionji Gongwang, who did not want to take this opportunity to violently suppress the War Ministry, but tried to use this opportunity to incorporate the War Department into the constitutional system. This kind of vision and heart is very remarkable. Although the process is destined to be extremely difficult, this idea would never have been possible without the support of Saionji Gongwang.
Standing up and bowing deeply to the Saionji Gongwang, Takahashi said, "Thank you so much, Saionji-kun!" β
Saionji-kun waved his hand, "Takahashi-kun, I once thought that I would keep your position as prime minister no matter what. Now I can't give you that promise. β
Takahashi was slightly stunned, and soon he understood the meaning of Xiyuan Temple's words, if Takahashi is Qing now or appears as the spokesman of the Admiralty, then it is impossible for Takahashi Shiqing to get the least belief of the War Department. Since Takahashi is ready to change the situation in Japan by his own strength, he must use the face of a truly powerful prime minister to obtain the recognition and cooperation of all parties through the consultation mechanism. Of course, such a Takahashi is Kiyoshi cannot be restrained by the Admiralty family. All the people he faces are enemies, and all are collaborators.
In the face of such a challenge and understanding, Takahashi Shiqing bowed his head to the Saionji Gongwang again, "Thank you so much, Saionji-kun!" β
Since there was a basic tacit understanding with both the army faction and the navy faction, Takahashi Shiqing immediately took action. In his capacity as prime minister, he convened a cabinet meeting and coordinated with various factions, as well as with the departments of industry, commerce, and banking, to implement Takahashi Seiyo's "Taisho Reconstruction Plan."
The War Department originally thought that although Takahashi Shiqing said it nicely on the surface, in fact it was going to make it very difficult. As a result, when it was learned that Takahashi was ready to hand over the mining rights of North Korea, the leaders of the War Department were stunned. It was a huge deal, and it was originally in the hands of the bankers, who had never had a very good relationship with the War Department. Takahashi arranged for the bank to provide a series of preferential measures to the War Department in terms of approval, loans, and so on. Although this is not very satisfactory to the War Department, the War Department can make full use of this resource to meet the interests of a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises associated with the War Department. Moreover, there is an army in North Korea, and the War Department can also get a piece of the pie by sending troops to protect the interests of enterprises. Such good things are enough to prove Takahashi's sincerity.
The Admiralty received additional compensation, including export trade, related shipyard orders. Interest groups associated with the Admiralty also saw a splash of pie shining ahead.
But all of this came to a conclusion at the meeting, and in order to reap these benefits, it was necessary to ensure that Takahashi Yoshikiyo's "Taisho Reconstruction Plan" could be smoothly implemented. If this plan is not carried out, everything is in the air. In order to start the "Taisho Reconstruction Plan," the Japanese ruling class first had to tacitly "admit the defeat of the Manchurian War." Japan's strategy changed from seizing Manchuria to holding Korea.
Seeing that the War Department is fully moved and will basically agree to this strategic change. The Deputy Minister of the Admiralty at the enlarged meeting of the Cabinet could not help but scoff: "If the strategy of holding Manchuria had been adopted from the beginning, I am afraid that the situation would be much better now." β
As soon as he said this, before everyone in the War Department could change their faces, Navy Minister Yuzaburo Kato had already slapped his palm on the tatami mat, "Yaga! What nonsense are you talking about! Judging from the current situation, we and the People's Party will definitely go to war in Manchuria! There is no strategic miscalculation in this matter! β
Seeing that the Minister of the Admiralty was angry, none of the low-ranking personnel of the Admiralty dared to talk nonsense anymore. And the Minister of the Navy, Yuzaburo Kato, did not stop there, he ordered the Vice Minister of the Admiralty, "You! Apologize to the War Department gentlemen! β
Facing the people of the War Department who couldn't tell what they were on their faces, the Vice Admiralty had to honestly bow his head and apologize. Although the War Department knew that the Admiralty was showing great sincerity, they were defeated after all. This fact cannot be changed, so they can no longer be vexatious and expand the dispute. And that's the end of it.
Takahashi is clear that the current situation has only temporarily calmed down the dispute, and that there will be countless minor conflicts in the concrete implementation of the "Taisho Reconstruction Plan", and that the contradictions will still erupt in the future rather than be completely eliminated. But that was only after the Taisho Reconstruction Plan was able to bear fruit. It is already quite satisfying to be able to sit down with the War Department and agree on a larger national strategy. Pursuing higher goals now is an unrealistic fantasy in itself.
The War Department's plan to redeploy four more divisions to North Korea was approved, as was the plan to expand the construction of the Navy's merchant ships. Takahashi even agreed to tighten his belt and restore the personnel and equipment of the 6th and 7th Divisions.
In the face of such a plan, both the War Department and the Admiralty already knew that it was impossible for them to get anything more from Takahashi Shikiyo now. Everything at the moment can only depend on whether Takahashi Shiqing can make the national strategy be implemented smoothly.
After all, Takahashi Shiqing has already made the already rotten mess even worse, and if he can help each other for the time being, there may be a glimmer of hope. If this mess is completely overturned, Takahashi will be a big deal to step down with infamy on his back, and after Takahashi is clear, who will take over the mess? Neither the Admiralty nor the War Department was willing.
The British side was finally contacted by Japanese Foreign Minister Nobuaki Makino and was greatly surprised to learn that Japan had actually intervened in the mediation work between Japan and the People's Party on the pretext of "acknowledging the defeat of Manchuria and asking the Entente to guarantee the security of Japan's territory." It will not be easy for an ambitious Japan to make such a low-profile statement. But this request is not something that Britain can refuse. Britain had no reason to declare war on the People's Party for the sake of Japan's interests, but Japan was a member of the Entente, and if the People's Party really entered the territory of the Allied member states, no matter who the other side was, whether or not they were able to enter the war immediately, the Entente would have to declare war on that country.
So the British minister was quick to send a telegram to London, and London was quick to call back. "Britain has formally sent a note to the People's Party, demanding that the People's Party not invade Japan!"
Since London had a clear directive, the British minister immediately sent a telegram to Wuhan, the seat of the Central Committee of the People's Party, to make clear to the People's Party the British attitude, and at the same time sent a special envoy to Wuhan to visit Chen Ke, chairman of the People's Party.
At the time of receiving the telegram, the Central Committee of the People's Party could be said to be filled with righteous indignation, and everyone thought that the British attitude was really extremely arrogant. Pulling the bias frame to this point is unprecedented. At the same time, some comrades were worried that the Entente was preparing to take action against the People's Party.
Even if Chen Ke knew that such a statement was nothing compared to the Munich Agreement, he could not understand what Britain was thinking. At such a juncture of fierce war, is Britain really ready to start another front in Asia?
On March 21, 1916, the British envoy, Sir Humphrey, had a hasty personal experience of Wuhan before the People's Party became clearer. Sir Humphrey said that Japan was willing to cease the war and that Britain was interested in brokering it. But in any case, the People's Party cannot attack North Korea. Of course, the People's Party massacres the invading Japanese soldiers on Chinese soil, and the British will definitely not interfere.
After Chen Ke explained the situation to his comrades, there was silence at first, and then a fierce voice appeared in the conference room, "The Japanese just admit it?" The voice was not a shout of joy, but a great deal of irritation.
The Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army was now preparing to continue fighting, and at this juncture when the morale of the troops was high and the confidence was so high, no one would be happy that the British had come in with such a cross-bar.
However, Defense Minister Hua Xiongmao still tried his best to persuade him: "Now that the northeast has entered the days when the ice and snow have melted, the troops have encountered greater difficulties in marching and fighting. The igloos, which played a great role in winter, are no longer usable, and the issue of housing is now on the agenda. The four armies of 70,000 or 80,000 men could have used the entire northeast as their camp in the bitter cold winter, and now this condition has disappeared. How to arrange the stationing has become a big problem......"
Before he could finish speaking, a comrade from the Military Commission said: "Are we afraid because of the intimidation of the British?" β
Chen Ke waved his hand to stop Hua Xiongmao's words, "The war to liberate the Northeast has ended for the time being, and fighting in Korea is another war, and the two things cannot be confused." β
"Even if we think it's over, the Japanese just don't think it's over." This is a common concern of many comrades, and no one thinks that the British are on the side of the BJP at this time. After Japan suffered a series of major blows, the British first blocked the British, and then fought after Japan recovered. This possibility is not out of the question.
But Chen Ke did not have such worries, and in his time and space, the Japanese gained more benefits from the First World War, while China's civil war continued, and its national strength continued to decline. Even so, the struggle of the Chinese Communists, the fierce resistance of the Chinese People's Party, and even Chiang Kai-shek did not openly surrender to Japan. The situation could not be worse than this. So Chen Ke replied: "The British side said that they are very willing to bring about peace in East Asia. At a time when the European battlefield was in full swing, the British were telling the truth. β
"Chairman Chen, you were a staunch supporter of fighting the DPRK at that time." A comrade said.
"North Korea only has the problem of fighting early and fighting late, and there is no question of whether to fight or not. That's why I'm still saying that, I have to be realistic. Let's get this out of the way first. And now spring ploughing is taking place everywhere, and it is our top priority to seize the time to complete the cultivation. If we invest a little more in infrastructure now, we are likely to have a hundredfold harvest in the next year or two. So my view is to agree with the proposal of British coordination. Chen Ke gave his opinion.
Of course, the comrades of the Party Central Committee know the importance of construction, and it is also an even more important task to digest the newly liberated Hebei, northern Shandong, and northeast China. So in the final vote, the Central Committee agreed to the decision to temporarily join the peace talks hosted by the British.