The report of the People's Internal Affairs Committee caused no less impact on the party than an earthquake, and the confessions and analysis reports of hundreds of people made everyone see hundreds of nuanced faces vividly. The ins and outs of Liu Yongyi's counter-revolutionary events also show a vein of purge.

Liu Yongyi, as the leader of the Hui Party, once provided manpower support to the leader of Liujiapu Weizi as a "broker". After the People's Party broke through the siege, Liu Yongyi became "unemployed". There is no room for "brokers" in the grassroots political power directly established by the People's Party, the Party communicates directly with the people, and the administrative power reaches every ordinary person in the base area. Under this system, Liu Yongyi has no place to play. In addition, after the People's Party broke through the siege, Liu Yongyi lost all his subordinates, and he simply could not gain a foothold in the local area.

As a "local figure" of Liujiapu, Liu Yongyi did not stand still in the face of such a dilemma, and he once tried to rescue the leader of Liujiapu Weizi in order to make a comeback. For this reason, Liu Yongyi disguised himself as a victim and went to the Fengtai County base area, and blended into the police force of the base area through the relationship between the rivers and lakes. Due to the heavy security of the base area, the attempt to rescue the leader of the Liujiapu Weizi failed. When the People's Party persuaded the fleeing people to return to their hometowns, Liu Yongyi had to follow the people back to Liujiapu.

After returning to Liujiapu, Liu Yongyi found that the grassroots organizations of the People's Party were stronger than before, and it was impossible for him to return to the old life of a "broker", so he came up with the idea of overthrowing the grassroots power of the People's Party and establishing an independent force belonging to Liu Yongyi in Liujiapu. Of course, Liu Yongyi could not do such a thing alone, and he first contacted the members of the party in Wuhe County and the surrounding areas who were also in an "unemployed" position, and those people were also extremely dissatisfied with the newly established grassroots government of the People's Party, and everyone hit it off. Coupled with the coercion of some lazy guys, this rabble launched an attack on the grassroots organization of the Liujiapu People's Party in Wuhe County.

At the end of the report, the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs concluded that the "relief small peasant economy" in the old system in the countryside had been completely destroyed by natural disasters, and that the landlords and clans, who had been responsible for "relief" to a certain extent, had been completely powerless, and their relations with the people had changed from limited cooperation to total antagonism. After the destruction of the landlord class by the People's Party, the Hui Party attached to this system also stood against the people. In the absence of a larger investigation, the People's Internal Affairs Committee was not able to determine whether this was the case in areas outside Gulhe County, but the People's Internal Affairs Committee recommended that a comprehensive investigation be carried out in the base areas. Because these people can provide employment opportunities to a certain extent, they can be regarded as "power" rooted in the people. We should pay strict attention to those members who act as "brokers".

Qi Huishen is a veteran party member, who stayed in Shanghai to work in Shanghai during the initial establishment of the base area, and has a bad reputation at the grassroots level. After being entrusted with an important task by Chen Ke, many comrades were not completely convinced. After this detailed and well-analyzed report was submitted to the Party Central Committee, many people were impressed by Secretary Qi Huishen.

"Whoever is an enemy, who is a friend. It can be seen clearly now. Lu Huitian said in a speech at the Politburo meeting. The comrades attending the meeting didn't even nod their heads in agreement, because everyone's thoughts were exactly the same as Lu Huitian's. During the floods, the BJP-led model of disaster relief became the dominant force, and the people could not survive without participation, disobedience, and cooperation. Therefore, the demarcation between enemies and friends is not clear, and when the floods begin to abate and the absolute dominance of the BJP begins to weaken, the contradictions that had been concealed by natural disasters, especially the contradictions between the new system led by the BJP and the old traditional system in the countryside, emerged.

Lu Huitian looked at his comrades and looked at him intently, and he said loudly: "We must destroy this old system. As the backbone of the old system, we must eliminate them without mercy. ”

Listening to Lu Huitian's speech, many people had surprised expressions on their faces. You must know that before the People's Internal Affairs Committee set out for investigation, Lu Huitian advocated leniency. At that time, Lu Huitian believed that most of these people involved in the counter-revolutionary events were coerced, rather than harboring any real hostility towards the BJP. Unexpectedly, as soon as the report came up, Lu Huitian completely changed his attitude and asked to kill these people.

Lu Huitian knew what the comrades were thinking, and he said calmly: "Comrades, I once put forward the idea of leniency, but it was made without actual investigation, and I want to make self-criticism on this point. Without an investigation, there is no voice, and I just made my own judgment in the circumstances that I had at the time. After this report came out, I saw the actual situation on the ground, and my thinking naturally changed. I have to admit that I did not feel the cruelty of the struggle before, and it was already a total contradiction between the old and the new systems. I have a big gap in this regard. In light of my own lessons, I hope that everyone will have a good understanding of this matter. The class struggle is not a joke, it must be established in mind. ”

Hearing this, some of the comrades of the Politburo deeply sympathize, while others do not fully understand. At this time, I heard someone start clapping. When everyone saw it, it was Chen Ke who took the lead in applauding. Whether it was from the heart or not, the comrades followed Chen Ke and began to applaud.

Lu Huitian glanced at Chen Ke with a grateful look, and Chen Ke's support was too important to Lu Huitian at this time. As one of the representative figures of moderates, Lu Huitian knows the pressure he is facing at this time. He Zudao, another representative of the moderates, is different from his own situation, and He Zudao's "moderation" is more aimed at the "hard-line" style of shouting and killing in the army. He Zudao's speech at that time took up more weight than "cautious investigation" rather than "leniency". Ho Zu Dao believed that all participants should not be arbitrarily classified as counter-revolutionaries without investigation, and then all of them should be executed. Regarding Chen Ke's establishment of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, He Zudao was firmly in favor of it, and provided considerable manpower support.

It is Lu Huitian who really advocates "turning big things into small things". After the report was submitted, Lu Huitian felt a sense of crisis at that time, and the content revealed in this report could be said to be completely different from what Lu Huitian thought of the specific situation in the local area at that time. At the time, Lu believed that the people were just not used to the new system introduced by the BJP, because the new system required everyone to work more. But who is really willing to work hard? Human beings are all indulgent and intimate. Guys like Chen Ke, who work hard every day, are the outliers among the people. With time, the people will eventually be able to get used to the intense labor of the new system. Even now, Lu Huitian still thinks that his opinion has a certain amount of truth.

However, Qi Huishen's report was written from the perspective of class struggle and institutional contradictions, which completely overwhelmed Lu Huitian's ideas from a theoretical level. In the face of this report, Lu Huitian knew that if he could not accept Qi Huishen's view, he would inevitably encounter fierce opposition. This is because party chairman Chen Ke has always advocated class struggle.

When Lu Huitian expressed his support for the main line of class struggle in this report, he was still a little apprehensive. If the comrades who expressed a tough attitude at the beginning expressed their distrust of Lu Huitian, it would be a very troublesome matter. And Chen Ke's current applause is obviously to support Lu Huitian, with such support, at least for the time being, no one will find trouble with Lu Huitian.

The applause subsided quickly, at least after Chen Ke's applause ended, the comrades in the army immediately stopped applauding. Without looking carefully at the expressions of those comrades, Lu Huitian could imagine their thoughts at this time. The immediate task now is not to dwell with these comrades on the question of who is more revolutionary. As the leader of civil affairs, Lu Huitian must come up with a more reasonable solution. The People's Party has always opposed "clean talks," and Lu Huitian has never been able to become the number one leader in civil affairs work among so many comrades, not because he can speak better than other comrades, but because he has always been able to do more and more effectively than other comrades.

"In the next work in the base areas, my view on the adjustment of civil affairs work is that we must first determine who we are serving, and the people we want to serve are the people who work diligently. The development of the productive forces depends on the industrious and working people, who are the objects of exploitation and oppression by the old system. This is what we must strive for. And our enemies, I think, are the landlords, the counter-revolutionaries, the bad elements. Judging from the situation of Liujiapu, although the landlords in the enclosure were arrested by us, the old system was operated with this group of people as the core. Even if they are gone, Liu Yongyi still hopes to rescue these people and put them back in power. They are the core of invisibility. Counter-revolutionaries such as Liu Yongyi were the most capable of activism, and they tried to gain benefits through the old system. It's this group of people who jumped out. And Liu Yongyi is followed by those who are lazy and lazy, in order to be able to get something for nothing, these people hate labor, and the local government has organized them to participate in the reconstruction work, and these people can even get a lot of benefits. But in order to get food in front of them, they dared to follow Liu Yongyi to attack our grassroots government. They must not let ...... go either."

The meeting unified thinking, and in the end the Politburo reached a resolution that Liu Yongyi and other major party members should be executed. These people were not only from the local party in the Liujiapu area, but they came from many places in the surrounding area, and these party members were also because the People's Party broke through the local enclosure and they were unable to cooperate with the local landlords in the enclosure, so they took risks to participate in counterrevolutionary incidents. The comrades of the Politburo unanimously agreed that the landlords who had broken through these enclosures were to be executed to prevent future troubles.

As for how to deal with the bad elements who participated in this operation, most of the comrades in the party thought that they should also be put to death. But a handful of comrades did not support this. For example, Chen Ke believes that these people are just some people who are attached to the landlords and the party, and after the elimination of the landlords and the party, these people will have no foundation, and they can be sentenced to prison and reformed through labor.

However, Chen Ke's idea was opposed by his comrades, and the comrades in the military clearly and strongly opposed this view. Everyone said that they could understand Chen Ke's benevolent thoughts, but at this critical moment, it is not possible not to make an example of one hundred. According to the investigation, these people did not participate in the people's spontaneous attack on the siege, and they chose to flee the famine. They have survived on the disaster relief food provided by the People's Party, and as soon as they returned to the base areas, they were not enthusiastic about participating in the construction of the base areas, but they easily participated in the attack on the grassroots organizations of the People's Party. If they are not all killed, what kind of mentality will this create for the people?

"Chairman Chen, your heart is too kind." Chai Qingguo said emotionally, "You don't know how bad those people are in their hearts. If it is a common man who works hard, they eat our food, how can they be grateful. will always reward us, and their hearts will feel at ease. And these people are white-eyed wolves at all. It is absolutely impossible to stay. Now that they have jumped out, we will not cut the grass and eradicate the roots, that is wrong. ”

Chen Ke didn't really want to let this group of people go, he was just a little worried that this kind of killing would frighten ordinary people. Comrades, including "former moderates" such as Lu Huitian, believe that this group of people should not be spared, and their reasons are very reasonable. Chen Ke agreed with the comrades' views.

Three days later, the first mass execution of counter-revolutionaries in the base areas began. More than 800 people, including all the more than 400 people who participated in Liu Yongyi's counter-revolutionary actions, as well as the captured landlords in the areas to which these people related, were publicly executed. The BJP did not hide the matter, on the contrary, the reasons for the execution were widely publicized in the base areas.

"For their own selfishness, the landlords cause the people to live and die."

"The party conspires against the new government."

"The bad elements were lazy and relied on the relief provided by the BJP to survive the disaster year, and in turn took part in counter-revolutionary actions."

These reasons comprehensively express the attitude of the BJP and its unrelenting position towards its opponents. It caused an uproar among the people in the base area. Prior to this large-scale crackdown on the counter-revolution, the image of the BJP among the people was that it was "capable of working, capable of fighting, and very friendly." After this mass execution, the people's opinion changed dramatically, and although there are many ways to express it in words, there is only one idea: "The People's Party has started killing people, and they are already the government of the base area." After the execution, the people who had been following the BJP expressed their absolute support. The attitude of the people, who had already begun to cooperate with the BJP, was not affected. The people, who had been in a wait-and-see attitude, began to participate in the various new policies implemented by the new government with trepidation.

The stern attitude of intolerance has worked very well.

As the head of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, Qi Huishen established his image in one fell swoop through this incident. The People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs was endorsed by the party. As a result of this incident, the People's Party has lost its trust in the local council party, and in order to prepare for similar incidents that may occur in the future, the People's Internal Affairs Committee has begun to make every effort to investigate the information and intelligence of the local council party.

Qiu Jin was not aware of the internal policies of the People's Party. All she knew was that the BJP had begun to push something important. In the past half a month, it has been difficult for her to see Chen Ke. During the critical period of spring ploughing, the entire People's Party and the base areas were all involved in the high-speed operation of the track. The so-called lack of land in rural areas can only be said to be a kind of "relative lack of land", or more precisely, "lack of fertile land". In response to this situation, the People's Party, on the one hand, vigorously promoted the popularization of new agricultural tools, and on the other hand, personally led the masses to begin to expand "food production". It is not only the army and the government that are working, but also the girls of the teacher training schools. The new farmland was opened up in the school, and after the basic cultivation was carried out by the troops, the subsequent planting work was entrusted to the girls of the normal school.

The delicate ladies began to plant in the field with small hoes and shovels, and Qiu Jin felt dazzled when she saw them for the first time. 100 acres of land were set aside for the more than 200 girls to plant, and the planting content was peanuts. This is also one of the social practices of girls. It will be counted in the evaluation. Qiu Jin couldn't imagine that Chen Ke would treat the future "teacher" like this, and in her opinion, women should work in more technical professions, rather than working in the land like men. Not to mention these literate women.

But Chen Ke didn't see her at all, and Qiu Jin couldn't find anyone if she wanted to protest. Not only did Chen Ke not see her, but Qiu Jin's nephew Hua Xiongmao also did not see her, which made Qiu Jin even more depressed.

As for the participation of the students of the girls' school in farming, the parents who came with Qiu Jin did not have such fierce opposition. When Qiu Jin and Huang Chengxun talked about this, Huang Chengxun actually said: "It's not a bad thing to learn a little bit about the ability to serve the crops. This made Qiu Jin very puzzled.

Huang Chengxun didn't want to see a woman with a flamboyant personality like Qiu Jin, and after arriving at the base in person, Huang Chengxun also understood that Qiu Jin couldn't help him with bringing his daughter home. So he didn't want to explain in depth. In this era, large-scale cities had not yet formed, and farming and reading were still a tradition. Anqing's literary style is very prosperous, and there is no contempt for farming. Of course, Huang Chengxun has no objection to the participation of school girls in farming. He went to see it for himself, peanuts don't need to be too deep, and they are more suitable for the physical condition of girls. In Huang Chengxun's view, organizing girls in girls' schools to farm proves that the People's Party has no other ideas about girls. Because Huang Chengxun himself also took his children to plant some peanuts in the yard at home. The people's party's pragmatic attitude does not hate Huang Chengxun at all, on the contrary, Huang Chengxun is worried about the people's party's posture of clearly wanting to exist for a long time. If the People's Party is really strong, Huang Chengxun will not think about it so easily to get his daughter back.

As for the revolution, Huang Chengxun neither agreed with nor vehemently opposed it. He was unhappy that the BJP had forcibly drawn itself in. A few days ago, Huang Chengxun dared to verbally oppose it, and after the mass execution of the "counter-revolutionary" by the People's Party, Huang Chengxun did not even dare to say such opposition again.

Since Qiu Jin couldn't get the support of others, she had to continue to stay depressed in the base. Just when she thought that Chen Ke had completely forgotten herself, Chen Ke suddenly sent someone to invite Qiu Jin over. Qiu Jin had a stomach full of things to say, and Chen Ke didn't wait for Qiu Jin to speak, he dropped a bombshell to Qiu Jin, "Mr. Qiu, according to our information, the Manchu Qing's Hubei New Army is about to be dispatched. Hearing this, Qiu Jin was stunned at that time.