When the Central Military Commission formally decided on the mode of the second anti-encirclement and suppression campaign, the envoys who went to visit the Guangfu Society had already arrived at their destination, Shaoxing.

Shaoxing now has the flavor of the Jiangnan Revolutionary Center. There are a lot of people on the street, "Down with the Manchu Qing and the establishment of the Republic of China." There are also revolutionary parties in the streets who are hoarse and trying their best to do propaganda. It must be noted that this was not a miracle at the end of the Qing Dynasty, and after Qiu Jin was arrested in history, Guifu, the prefect of Shaoxing, killed Qiu Jin. The local gentry protested, striving to "rehabilitate" Qiu Jin. The gentry's reason was simple, "Qiu Jin was only inciting the revolution, not the actual rebellion." There is no confession, and the Manchu Qing Dynasty killed Qiu Jin indiscriminately. "Don't say whether Qiu Jin is innocent or not, it is quite common to put up slogans in the city and do revolutionary propaganda.

The reason why Shaoxing City is different is because the guards at the city gate and the patrols in the city are all short-haired. And from a military point of view, the deployment of these people is quite meritorious.

The People's Party's emissary was named Cheng Mingmiao, and before he arrived in Shaoxing, Chen Ke had already contacted the Liberation Society through the liaison station. Early on, the comrades of the Restoration Society greeted Cheng Mingmiao. Originally, the comrades of the Restoration Society wanted to take Cheng Mingmiao directly to the headquarters of the Restoration Society, but Cheng Mingmiao proposed to go to the gate of the Shaoxing Prefect's Yamen to have a look.

"Mr. Cheng, what's so nice about this?" said so in his mouth, but Chen Boping, who was in charge of the reception, had a smug feeling in his voice. When I arrived at the gate of the prefect's yamen, I saw that the guards were no longer Qing soldiers, but armed people with short hair.

Cheng Mingmiao smiled and asked, "This prefect is still in it, right?" ”

"That's right, because the prefect is not in good health, now the government affairs are represented by others." Chen Boping replied very decently.

After hearing this, Cheng Mingmiao nodded vigorously.

During the few months of the Liberation Committee in Chizhou, the main cadres realized how difficult it is to run a local government. The practical experience of a few hard months is more effective for someone who is willing to study than for several years of reading. The uprising on its own turf showed considerable progress. Although it still failed to penetrate deep into the countryside, it was fortunate that before the revolution, the Guangfu Society had already established corresponding departments-for-tat, and actually controlled a considerable part of the real power in Shaoxing City.

The success of these actions also has some element of luck in it. Before the start of the second anti-encirclement campaign, the Manchu forces in Jiangnan had begun to shrink in an all-round way. This was not a passive slackness of the local troops, because once the Ninth Town of the New Army in Nanjing crossed the river to the north, the whole of Jiangnan would be empty, and the Manchu forces would at most be used to hold strongholds. At this time, the Restoration Society took the lead in seizing control of Shaoxing, and basically encountered little resistance.

Cheng Mingmiao felt that the Restoration Society had a bit of a taste of learning from the People's Party, and the development of the People's Party in Fengtai County was also the first to seize control of the county. Thinking so in his heart, Cheng Mingmiao didn't have any comment. He had come to meet with the Liberation Society to ask for cooperation, not as a senior member. It is rude to point fingers at the Liberation Society.

Tao Chengzhang received Cheng Mingmiao in the Chase School. Chase School is now the "cadre school" of the Liberation Society, and its status is quite crucial. There was no extra nonsense after the two sides met, Cheng Mingmiao handed Chen Ke's handwritten letter to Tao Chengzhang, and then waited quietly.

After reading the letter, Tao Chengzhang handed the letter to Zhang Taiyan next to him. He looked at Cheng Mingmiao with blazing eyes, "Mr. Cheng, Chairman Chen of your party is always so polite. ”

Cheng Mingmiao said with a smile: "Everyone wants the Manchu Qing Dynasty, and these things still need the cooperation of the comrades of the Liberation Society." ”

Chen Ke did not make excessive demands in the letter, he just hoped that the personnel of the Jiangnan New Army would vigorously publicize the "standby action" of the new army in Jiangnan, so that these people would incite the "bystander mood" of the officers and soldiers. Since the People's Party annihilated the 7,000 Hubei New Army in Hefei and Anqing, the Qing troops of all walks of life have lost their arrogance in the face of the People's Party. It is this attitude that Chen Ke wants to exploit. Historically, the Qing army did not fight in concert, and Chen Ke only hoped that they would maintain this tradition, and while the People's Party was going all out to deal with the Beiyang New Army, the other New Army could just wait and see what was going on.

The current Qing army, like the warlords and the Kuomintang troops after that, had to give rewards if they wanted to fight a tough battle. Chen Ke was not prepared to use too much force to deal with the Jiangnan New Army. In addition to military action, it would be even better if the Forces nouvelles could intensify the incitement of such spectator sentiments.

Tao Chengzhang didn't understand Chen Ke's plan too deeply. He just thinks that Chen Ke's style of never making excessive demands is very satisfying. The only regret that Tao Chengzhang felt was that Chen Ke's request was too simple, and he had to send someone to come here for this kind of effort, which casually showed Chen Ke's importance, but the Restoration Society could not show any kindness to the People's Party because of this favor.

"I wonder if Chairman Chen has anything else to ask Mr. Cheng to bring?" Tao Chengzhang asked.

"Everything Chairman Chen wants to say is clearly written in the letter, and there is nothing else for me to do." Cheng Mingmiao reconfirmed his task.

While speaking, the main cadres of the Liberation Society had already finished reading the letter, and Zhang Taiyan said: "Mr. Chen doesn't want us to send troops to help? ”

"If you don't say anything in the letter, you don't. I'm only responsible for delivering letters. Cheng Mingmiao said with a smile.

Although the cadres of the Liberation Society were deeply impressed by the People's Party, only Tao Chengzhang, Xu Xilin, and Qiu Jin really dealt with Chen Ke. Chen Ke's demands were so low that many cadres of the Liberation Society couldn't believe it. Even if Chen Ke doesn't send someone to contact him, the Restoration Society will do the same, and they can all distinguish the basic situation. If the BJP is defeated, the pressure on the Liberation Party will surely increase dramatically. Will the Liberation not shed their blood for the sake of the People's Party, and they can only do their best not to let the Jiangnan New Army power attack the People's Party.

Cheng Mingmiao looked at the puzzled eyes of the cadres of the Restoration Society, and he smiled: "Everyone, there is still something that needs to be said. Mr. Huang Xing and Mr. Song Jiaoren of the League came to our base and invited us to join the League. Chairman Chen has rejected the matter. Although this matter has nothing to do with the imminent war, since the Liberation Society has broken away from the Alliance, we can't help but tell you about it. ”

"Hmph." Tao Chengzhang sneered. He knew that the People's Party would never join the League, so he just sneered. "Mr. Cheng, let me introduce you to you. These are all comrades of our Liberation Society. ”

After the introduction, everyone naturally wants to talk to each other. The cadres of the Liberation Association either had the heart or were just curious and began to inquire about the BJP base areas. Cheng Mingmiao explained everyone's problems in words that the Restoration Society could understand. In this Q&A, Cheng Mingmiao found that before he came, Chen Ke's evaluation of the Restoration Society was really to the point. Chen Ke's original words were: "The Liberation Society is a very unprofessional organization. ”

What is the difference between "professional" and "non-professional", Cheng Mingmiao does not understand. Cheng Mingmiao is only a middle-level cadre who is not outstanding in the People's Party, and he also feels that there are many problems in his daily work, and he has not learned many things in the party organization, let alone effectively understand. He thought that he might not be able to understand the problem as much as Chairman Chen, but not long after the conversation with the Liberation Society, Cheng Mingmiao felt where the gap between the two sides was.

As for the real problems, the Restoration Society can only see what can be seen with the naked eye. As for the contradictions and conflicts hidden under the performance, the Liberation Council pays little attention to them. Cheng Mingmiao felt that the cadres of the Liberation Association believed that contradictions and conflicts were a kind of problem that could not be discussed on the table. The People's Party is completely different, and the job of the People's Party is to find out the contradictions and then analyze them. Finally, find a way to resolve the conflict.

This kind of difference between what seems to be the "retreat" of the People's Party and the "pragmatism" of the Liberation Council is really applied to specific issues, that is, to make judgments from above. After the People's Party encountered a problem, after analyzing the internal contradictions, it immediately came up with various concrete ways to solve the problem.

For example, the Liberation Society is quite concerned with rural issues, and they would like the People's Party to come up with various suggestions. But the reason why Cheng Mingmiao is considered to be "not outstanding" in his work is that his performance in rural work is not good. Even Cheng Mingmiao, who has a low evaluation in the People's Party, heard that the Restoration Society talked about going to the countryside to propagate the revolution, uniting the gentry, and forcibly cutting it out. He also felt that the enthusiastic members of the Liberation Society in front of him were too naïve.

Cheng Mingmiao was not elected as a messenger because the People's Party regarded this job as a "derogatory" post. Being a messenger requires the ability to speak nonsense with his eyes open, and Cheng Mingmiao has exactly this qualification. Although this qualification is not effective in promoting work at the grassroots level, it is a rare advantage in diplomacy. Although he had a lot of thoughts in his heart, Cheng Mingmiao was able to answer or refuse to answer the questions of the Restoration Society with a serious and sincere attitude.

There are many meetings in the People's Party, and Cheng Mingmiao doesn't have to rack his brains to think about anything, as long as he takes out the words that have been proven wrong in the memories of what the comrades said, it is enough to resonate with these people in the Liberation Association. For such things that are no different from deception, Cheng Mingmiao has no inner condemnation. He was originally sending a letter, and it was the Liberation Society itself that wanted to pull the gossip, since this is the case, Cheng Mingmiao has no reason to spread the political ideas of the People's Party and make everyone happy.

The comrades of the Liberation Association had a "very happy conversation" with Cheng Mingmiao, and Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, representatives of the League who had basically completely broken with the People's Party, returned to Tokyo to report to the League. The withdrawal of the Liberation Society was actually a far greater blow to the Alliance than expected. Since the Guangfuhui was a local force in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, it had a close relationship with the gentry. Among the Japanese students who are from Jiangsu and Zhejiang, the number of students who are more inclined to the Liberation Society is quite large. And at this time, there was also a big problem, Sun Yat-sen accepted funding from the Japanese government without public opinion.

The Japanese government has a long history of protection and support for Sun Yat-sen. According to credible historical data, Sun Yat-sen swore to overthrow the Qing court in the first year, he established contact with the Japanese government, and in the following years, Sun Yat-sen traveled to and from Japan as if he was in a no-man's land, but at this time, perhaps because the Japanese government had a request for the Manchu government on the issue of the three eastern provinces, or because the smooth progress of the constitutional movement led by the Qing government made the Japanese government see new hope, so it was also decided to abandon Sun Yat-sen.

Of course, the Japanese government did not fully accept the Manchu government's request to "expel Sun Yat-sen" from the country, in fact, it was a bet on both sides, and it was not willing to offend the Manchu government on this, nor was it willing to make too much trouble with Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries. Therefore, the Japanese government was unwilling to use coercive means to oppress Sun Yat-sen, but persuaded the Japanese Toyama Man, who was close to Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries, to leave the country on his own initiative, and was subsidized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a commercial organization with 18,000 yuan each. For the Japanese government, no one can be offended by this kind of flattering practice of betting on both sides, and the Qing government can explain there, after all, you asked to let Sun Yat-sen go, and he left; Sun Yat-sen is also easy to talk here, you see, there is really no way, let's avoid it for the time being, anyway, the door of Japan is open to you, and the environment will change in the future, and Mr. Sun can come back.

Historically, this incident led directly to the Liberation Society's announcement of its separation from the Alliance. In Chen Kede's era, the Guangfuhui was unable to accept Sun Yat-sen's attitude of hiding overseas for revolution, and at that time, the Yue Wang Hui was in the name of the Alliance after all, and the Yue Wang Hui and the Guangfu Society, which once occupied Anqing, were full of contradictions, and there was no cooperation at all. All these things led to the complete disappointment of the Liberation Society with the Alliance.

Now Sun Yat-sen still took this funding from the Japanese, and the Japanese said it so sincerely, Sun Yat-sen had to leave Japan. But Sun Yat-sen was not reconciled before leaving, and he made a final effort to let Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren go to Anhui, hoping to pull Chen Ke to join the League. Characters such as Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren were forced to be lobbyists, and they were completely helpless. If the People's Party had joined the League, then Sun Yat-sen would have had a lot of means. Whether it is external propaganda or even for the Japanese, there is room for bargaining. Sun Yat-sen was disappointed to learn of the People's Party's clean refusal to cooperate. After being silent for a while, Sun Yat-sen said, "I have ordered Hermes-Epitek to build the headquarters of the Alliance in Nanyang. Let's go south for the time being. Since there is Beiyang in the north, the People's Party in Anhui, and the Guangfu Association in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, our League should still go to Liangguang. ”

Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary party, lacking the armed forces at its disposal, naturally could not be like the People's Party, which first raised its banner and then attacked the city. Sun Yat-sen's uprising was a bit like doing business, first raising capital, buying guns, spending money to smuggle them back, and spending money to buy participants, from gangs to new army and even defense camps, even the backbone of the uprising had to be prepared in advance. Many revolutionaries, such as Sun Yat-sen, were originally professional revolutionaries, and they had to rely on donations to support themselves. It was not easy to raise a large sum of money for the rebellion. But most of the party members who have property will not be able to keep it. Sun Yat-sen's elder brother Sun Mei broke his family because he supported his younger brother's revolution. And Zhang Jingjiang, another revolutionary billionaire, it is said that the code code for his remittance with Sun Yat-sen, ABCDE represents 10,000, 20,000, 30,000, 40,000, and 50,000 respectively. And Sun Yat-sen often sent him a C or E, making him unable to cope. However, the biggest source of wealth for the revolutionary party is still Nanyang. After all, the revolutionary party can only rely on overseas Chinese to solicit donations, and the places with the largest number of Chinese are Southeast Asia, Europe and the United States, which should be ranked second. And among the people in the Alliance, Sun Yat-sen has the most overseas resources and the strongest fundraising ability. Only Sun Yat-sen is the most well-connected among overseas Chinese. It should be mentioned that the donations of that year were not all due to the revolutionary consciousness of overseas Chinese. A lot of donations were actually a little bit of a gambling investment by the Chinese in the revolution. When revolutionaries solicit donations, they often promise donors some official titles after the success of the revolution. Of course, the vast majority of these official titles were not likely to be fulfilled after the success of the revolution.

When it comes to money, there will inevitably be entanglements. Zhang Taiyan, who was straightforward and fast-hearted, tore his face and made a big fuss with Sun Yat-sen because of the funds of the People's Daily, behind which was actually the long-term dissatisfaction of some members of the Southeast and Central Alliances against Sun Yat-sen. In their view, investing too much money in Sun Yat-sen's hometown of Liangguang is obviously due to regional partiality. However, considering the source of funds, Sun Yat-sen probably had to choose this way, after all, most of the overseas Chinese in Nanyang came from Liangguang. If we can occupy a place in Guangdong, it will also be easier to win overseas aid. In Sun Yat-sen's eyes, a place like Wuhan for four wars is especially unconsiderable. Therefore, after the Zhang Taiyan incident, the alliance will actually be in a partial split state. Some of the former members of the Restoration Society went on their own in the southeastern zone. And the former members of the Huaxing Association from the central part of the country also make their own. Of course, they could not count on Sun Yat-sen's fundraising.

After the Liberation Society broke away from the Alliance, Sun Yat-sen had already made such a decision. Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren both knew that they had heard Sun Yat-sen mention this matter again. The two glanced at each other, as if they had made a lot of determination. Huang Xing said: "Mr. Sun, I am not going to Nanyang. I want to go back to Hunan with my comrades from the Jiaoren and Huaxing Society. ”

"Why?" Sun Yat-sen was surprised.

Song Jiaoren took over the conversation, "Since the People's Party can rely on its own strength to fight Anhui and return to Hunan to start from the basics, it may not be inferior to the People's Party." Moreover, the Manchu Qing Dynasty's encirclement and suppression this time was violent, and if it failed, the world would immediately shake. In order to protect themselves, the local governments did not dare to persecute the revolutionary party so harshly, and we could also have more room for maneuver. ”

Sun Yat-sen looked at Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, the forces that had been gathered under the banner of the League really had a "national" flavor, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Lianghu, Guangdong, plus students from all over the country, everyone started the League in Japan, plus the royalist Kang Youwei and others in Japan, it turned out to be a convergence area of various political forces in China.

But now, that has changed. First of all, the royalist constitutionalists began to lean towards Yuan Shikai in Beiyang, and the Guangfuhui made it clear that it cooperated with the People's Party.

Is this the end of the League? Sun Yat-sen thought.