"Beiyang has seized power from the Qing court." After a struggle in which the People's Party was involved, the Manchu central government, the most stubborn enemy of the People's Party, had completed a superficial unification with its most powerful military force, the Beiyang New Army. The "contradiction between the Manchu Central Committee and the Beiyang Army," which was once the focus of the People's Party's military struggle, ceased to exist. Except for Chen Ke and a few cadres, all the comrades who learned the news felt a heavy pressure.

At this time, Chairman Chen Ke's latest instruction came down, which was an article titled "Strengthen Discipline, the Revolution is Invincible!" documents. Chen Ke recounted the history of the People's Party from the founding of the Party and emphasized the central role of organizational discipline in the revolutionary cause.

“…… It can be as big as a revolution in which millions of people participate, and as small as two people carrying a piece of luggage together. The failure of any concerted action is first and foremost an organizational failure. Without the close rally of the comrades around the organizations at all levels, and without the effective implementation of the organizational decisions, it would not have been possible for our revolutionary cause to advance to the present extent......"

“…… Our revolutionary cause is not the cause of me alone, nor is it the cause of a few leading cadres. It is the common cause of all the comrades in this revolutionary ranks, and the cause of the tens of millions of people in the base areas. Only by giving full play to the ability and initiative of the comrades within the organization in which the revolutionary work has been built can we grasp the direction of the revolution......"

“…… We need to put the results in perspective. In the early days of Anhui, more than 100 comrades could not even row a boat well during disaster relief. Instead of being discouraged, they consulted and studied from the masses of the people, discussed, studied, and practiced within the organization, and rowed out the boat for disaster relief. Therefore, every party member and cadre of the People's Party must not only ensure the operation of the organization, but also not think that they can conquer the world when they encounter problems. It is necessary to seek advice and study from the masses, and to study, sum up, and practice with the comrades who work together on the basis of the system of democratic centralism. As the saying goes, three stinkers, one Zhuge Liang. We have tens of millions of comrades, we have tens of millions of people, and if we mobilize this force, there will be no problem that cannot be solved......

“…… The people are the promoters of history, and learning from the people, asking for advice from the people, and standing with the people are the only guarantee for our victory......"

A few days after the document reached the local government, Wang Youhong, the governor of Jiangsu, gave a speech at the Jiangsu Parliament.

“…… From China's Restoration to the sharing of water between several villages, any failure is first and foremost a failure of the government. The purpose of forming a parliament is to let the voice of the people be heard by the government, and the government and the gentry of the people will work together for the benefit of Jiangsu. Without the unity of mind and one mind of the legislators, the various decrees concerning the people of Jiangsu could not be effectively implemented, and the constitution of Jiangsu would not have been able to advance to the current level......"

“…… The reform of our Jiangsu Province is not my cause alone, nor is it just the cause of the legislators. It is the common cause of all the gentry and people of Jiangsu who are willing to make the world peaceful, at this time, everyone must be in the same boat, share weal and woe, so that we can protect the territory and the people in Jiangsu, and not be harmed......"

Governor Wang Youhong's speech was warmly applauded by the parliamentarians, and the situation in the world has changed far faster than the parliamentarians imagined. The regent stepped down, Beiyang took power, and Prince Qing Yixuan and Yuan Shikai came to power. And just near Jiangsu, there was the strong rise of the People's Party, a revolutionary party, and the Guangfu Society in Zhejiang, which once tried to plot against Nanjing. The one who can guard Jiangsu is the governor of Wang Youhong.

"Brother, I became this governor and heard a piece of news. Yuan Shikai, the vice premier of the cabinet in Beijing, has the intention of inter-provincial autonomy. There are many things involved in the autonomy of these provinces, and it is not clear what is going on above. But in our Jiangsu, in a word, Jiangsu people are in charge of Jiangsu people's affairs. Once the autonomy of the provinces is implemented, whether it is the imperial court or other people, they will no longer care so much about our Jiangsu, and the affairs of the Jiangsu people will be managed by us Jiangsu people. Brother, I boast that I have contributed to the establishment of this Jiangsu parliament. But I don't want the members of the Jiangsu Assembly to bow down to me, Wang Youhong, the Tianjin Guard. I never meant that. I would now like to listen to the decision of the respected members of parliament and what their attitude is. Whether it's for or against. No matter what the final decision of the parliamentarians is, I, Wang Youhong, will definitely implement everyone's resolution to the end. No matter how difficult it may be, I will never back down. ”

"Good!" The meeting hall of the Jiangsu Parliament erupted in thunderous applause and cheers. In fact, the parliamentarians all know that they are afraid that they will have to listen to Wang Youhong on this major matter. But this is only one aspect, if Wang Youhong did not make such a statement, but relied on the high governor's position to insist on going his own way, the parliamentarians would not willingly support Wang Youhong.

The People's Party also has its own intelligence system in Jiangsu, and Wang's speech will be transmitted back to the base area in a few days, along with other gathered intelligence. The intelligence department of the Central People's Party will analyze and summarize it. to judge and estimate the situation in Jiangsu.

Chen Ke was born as an engineering student, and in the science subject with strict theory and strict system, chemistry was originally a little more relaxed. And the degree of emphasis on theory in chemical industry is even weaker. In addition to the classical system, a large number of empirical formulas are piled up in the polymer chemical industry. From mechanical drawing to mechanical principles, from advanced mathematics to high-energy physics, this relatively marginal department once almost drove Chen Ke crazy with a large number of various courses. Coupled with Chen Ke's own lack of heart, he tried to study a double degree in computer science, and the days of college were really dark.

However, after Chen Ke really came into contact with society, he found that compared with the reality of society, the natural knowledge he mastered was clearly organized and clear. Whether he hits a wall or not, whether he is proud or frustrated, he will always be hungry, and in order to eat, Chen Ke has to do something else to make a living when he participates in many projects that have no obvious current benefits. At that time, getting a lot of certificates made a difference.

Chen Ke can be emboldened to talk about many courses he doesn't understand, just as he once got a CorlDraw tutorial with his students, and he dared to stand on the podium and talk like an expert for the 80 yuan per 45-minute lecture fee. As for the natural sciences, as long as you don't report any "delusions", but just follow the script, and tell and operate according to what the book says, the result will be the same. And as a "tireless" teacher, there is another advantage, that is, all the mistakes students will make for you, as long as you grasp the basic essentials and do not waver. When explaining to students, Chen Ke is often able to learn more.

Therefore, Chen Ke himself fully admits one thing, "It is the people who promote history, and we must first be students of the people before we can be gentlemen to the people." Chen Ke relied on working as a computer teacher in various schools for several hours a day, and it was the students who taught Chen Ke how to be a teacher first by asking questions. Instead of Chen Ke as a teacher to teach students.

Whenever Chen Ke reflected on the days he had spent, he had to admit one thing. Every time he fails, it is because Chen Ke himself failed to "seek truth from facts" and had delusions in his heart. All the jobs that allow Chen Ke to eat and earn money are forced by Chen Ke to give up his illusions and even give up his "imagination" of these jobs because of the strong pressure of reality. I have to be like what Grandpa Mao said in "Theory of Practice", according to the law, completely objective to accumulate a lot of perceptual experience, and to constantly solve problems, and then you can get the correct judgment. And these judgments themselves have been repeatedly told and emphasized in textbooks for a long time.

Back in this era, the cruelty of reality is far more terrifying than that of the 21st century. Chen Ke had to follow the theories described in Grandpa Mao's book, face reality and work realistically. By 1999, Chen was even able to work with historical figures such as Yuan Shikai to overthrow the Manchu regime. If it were in the 21st century, Chen Ke would have already cocked his tail to the sky.

Now in 1909, Chen Ke has forgotten that there is such a thing as pride in the world. In Chen Ke's eyes, there is only "existence" in this world, and there is no evaluation. After he embarked on the path of the people's revolution without hesitation, which was pointed out by Grandpa Mao, the previous world has gradually lost its relationship with Chen Ke.

After having such an awareness, Chen Ke dared to start "taking apprentices". It is precisely because of his experience as a teacher that Chen Ke knows the shortcomings of school education. And it must be admitted that it is impossible for high-quality people to study in the kind of school where Chen Ke is located. Only after Chen Ke had reflected on himself did he dare to conduct special political training for comrades with high quality in the party.

The recent training on the movements of various political forces is one of the two advanced study classes that Chen Ke has conducted. Wang Youhong's information has not yet been transmitted. At this time, Chen Ke analyzed the movements of the Restoration Society.

After the Liberation Society went to the BJP's territory for treatment and joined the BJP's local work. A small number of members have become supporters of the BJP, while others have joined the BJP. The information was passed on by them.

Cai Yuanpei, who broke away from the Alliance and returned to the Restoration Society again, went to see Yuan Shikai, and the "goodwill" expressed by Yuan Shikai made Cai Yuanpei receive great support. With trepidation and joy, Cai Yuanpei went to Zhejiang with the Beiyang messenger. Duan Qirui did not break the contract, but released more than 600 scarred captives together.

Since 1907, the actual revolutionary actions of Tao Chengzhang and others, as well as Cai Yuanpei's closeness with the League, once made Cai Yuanpei marginalized in the Restoration Society. The "big gift" given by Yuan Shikai made Cai Yuanpei's prestige soar. The 600 comrades who were released, together with more than 1,000 troops who were recuperating from their wounds in Anhui, and the members of the Liberation Society who had regrouped and had regrouped, went south and entered the area that Yuan Shikai had demarcated for the Liberation Society.

Tao Chengzhang originally suggested that the troops be dispersed. Cai Yuanpei resolutely objected, and he demanded that the Restoration Society blatantly withdraw from Qingtian. Duan Qirui ignored the Guangfu Society, which was active in southern Zhejiang. This seemingly completely unreliable "peace talks" actually succeeded. The whole Restoration Society has developed trust in Cai Yuanpei, who has been estranged for a long time.

Not only is the Liberation Society waiting, but these time-tested and determined backbones are all participating in the great discussion on the future direction of the Liberation Society. The war will definitely not be able to fight Beiyang. The members of the Liberation Society, who have gone through several trials of life and death, especially those who have recently been released, are full of war-weariness.

Under the leadership of Tao Chengzhang, the Restoration Society experienced many failures. However, these backbones did not want to completely deny Tao Chengzhang, especially Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin firmly supported Tao Chengzhang. Although the criticism of "opposing Tao Chengzhang's left-leaning adventurist line" at the meeting was quite intense, it did not reach the point where Tao Chengzhang must be defeated.

Xu Xilin, together with the comrades of the Guangfu Association who participated in the rural work in Anhui, proposed the "United People's Party." jointly launch the people's revolution". In Xu Xilin's view, this view was once clearly supported by many people, as well as the tacit approval of a considerable number of people. As for the place where the revolutionary work was carried out, Xu Xilin believed that it would be more appropriate to carry out the work in Changxing County, Zhejiang, which is close to Anhui.

This proposal was immediately met with fierce opposition from Cai Yuanpei. Cai Yuanpei said, "Since an agreement has been reached with Yuan Shikai, it is not suitable to work in northwest Zhejiang in the near future." ”

"Beiyang doesn't care about such a remote mountainous area at all. Behind it is still the territory of the People's Party, and Duan Qirui will not ask for trouble. Xu Xilin tried his best to persuade his comrades.

The comrades of the Liberation Society finally got a chance to recuperate, and most of them did not approve of any conflict with Beiyang. Moreover, in the Battle of Hangzhou, Xu Xilin did not participate, and many people completely forgot that they threw Xu Xilin to death in Nanjing, but were angry that Xu Xilin and others failed to return to Hangzhou.

Generally speaking, if a political organization has a strong leader, such as Cixi of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, Yuan Shikai of Beiyang, and Chen Ke of the People's Party, it can still strongly guide policy at such times. However, the Liberation Society was never a real interest group, and as a combination of revolutionaries and participating parties, the Liberation Society was only a gang formed by personal prestige or seniority, and never established an effective organizational system. With the development and setbacks of the revolutionary process, personal prestige also formed three factions inclined to Cai Yuanpei, Tao Chengzhang, and Xu Xilin in the ups and downs.

Once such a meeting reaches an impasse, it will be difficult to open the situation again. Xu Xilin and Tao Chengzhang uphold the characteristics of the consistent heroic and straightforward scholars, and neither is willing to use their fame to shape the organizational system. At such a time, both men believe that it is imperative to reach a consensus and unite their comrades first.

On the contrary, Cai Yuanpei unceremoniously began to compete for dominance. As one of the founders of the Restoration Society, the reason why Cai Yuanpei was reluctant to be with the Restoration Society later was because he hated this kind of charlatanism. Regardless of the problems of the Alliance, the League itself has at least one advantage, that is, it can consider problems from the perspective of the whole of China. Although it is impossible to explain this matter theoretically, Cai Yuanpei just can't accept Tao Chengzhang and Xu Xilin's "petty family".

However, Cai Yuanpei has not led the armed struggle after all, and everyone can accept Cai Yuanpei's status as the founder, but they still can't accept his overall leadership. The results of people who don't understand military affairs are too clear to these soldiers who were born and died.

As soon as the news of Yuan Shikai's seizure of power in Beijing came out, it shook the world. The shaking of the Liberation Society was especially great. The biggest question that has been plaguing the Restoration Society, "Why did Yuan Shikai reach such a tolerant agreement with the Restoration Society", and a consensus was immediately reached in the Restoration Society. Yuan Shikai, who was preparing to overthrow the Manchus, was unwilling to devote his forces to the war against the revolutionary parties such as the Guangfuhui.

The original political proposition of the Restoration Society was to overthrow the Manchu Qing and restore the Han dynasty. As for which world the Han family is, the Restoration Society has no definite plan.

In astonishment and suspicion, another news reached the Liberation Society, and Yuan Shikai intended to implement inter-provincial autonomy. Hearing this news, the Liberation Society was completely boiling. "Inter-provincial autonomy" means that whoever is the local ruler will be able to become the future ruler of Zhejiang. No matter what kind of military power Duan Qirui himself controls, it is impossible for Duan Qirui to control the parliament. The Liberation Society is the future ruler of Zhejiang.

In this context, the status of Cai Yuanpei, who negotiated with Yuan Shikai, rose sharply. And Cai Yuanpei himself admitted frankly that according to the situation he has learned now, the autonomy of the provinces is not necessarily a parliamentary system. If the parliamentary system cannot be implemented in Zhejiang, the Liberation Society will still not be able to control Zhejiang. Cai Yuanpei himself was willing to negotiate with Yuan Shikai as much as possible for the benefit of the Restoration Society and the interests of Zhejiang.

After discussion, the Restoration Society accepted Cai Yuanpei's suggestion, imitated the model of the League, and absorbed some organizational characteristics of the People's Party, completely overthrowing the original "heroic alliance" model when Tao Chengzhang and Xu Xilin led the Restoration Society. Regardless of the level of supervision and discipline maintenance, the Liberation Society has at least built a political party with clear hierarchies and responsibilities in terms of organization.

When Cai Yuanpei followed Sun Yat-sen's mixed alliance, there was not the slightest progress in the actual revolutionary work. But the perception of modern organizations can be said to have made leaps and bounds. Sun Yat-sen deceived others in order to gain power, precisely because there was no grassroots level, and he also had to use the organization to fool others, so Sun Yat-sen was able to put down his burden and go into battle lightly, and many fantasies based on theory cannot be said to have no merit.

If Cai Yuanpei only had to work hard, it would naturally not work, and after so many actual struggles in the Liberation Society itself, it was also felt that it also needed to be rectified. There is a mixture of the pursuit of efficiency, war weariness, a sense of identification with comrades-in-arms, a disgust with other forces that did not participate in the revolution, and a thirst for power. Under the combined effect of these emotions, Cai Yuanpei's strategy of "turning the Liberation Society into a political party and seizing the leading power of Zhejiang in the autonomy of the United Provinces" met almost all the needs of the Liberation Society.

As for the recent trends of the Liberation Society, the People's Party research team synthesized the recent data and finally analyzed the phased results under the leadership of Chen Ke. The panelists were both surprised and not surprised by the outcome. After the de facto collapse of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, it was almost inevitable that the party-oriented Liberation Society would go to the opposite side of the People's Party. This is the inevitable development of the two sides after they have lost their common enemy. Many of the members of the research group were high-ranking cadres, and they had long known that Chen Ke believed that the Liberation Society was "relatively reactionary," and that after the Manchu Qing Dynasty, the most reactionary object, was overthrown, the other forces also rapidly changed from "more progressive" to "more reactionary."

"So Chairman Chen, how do you think the situation will change recently?" Qi Huishen asked. It is no longer surprising that the Liberation Society will try to throw itself on Yuan Shikai, or at least try to reach some kind of political cooperation with Yuan Shikai. But how exactly will they proceed? If this line can be accurately judged, the BJP will be able to seize the opportunity.

"The so-called three fires of the new official taking office, Cai Yuanpei can't bring down Tao Chengzhang now. But he will definitely move one person now, and that is Xu Xilin. ”

"Doesn't Xu Xilin also have his own troops?" Xie Mingxian asked. Due to the lack of cadres, the People's Party transferred a considerable number of cadres from Shanghai back to Anhui to work. Xie Mingxian is one of them.

"Of course, Xu Xilin has troops, but what Xu Xilin wants to take now is the line of our People's Party. This will not work in the Restoration Society. Because except for our People's Party, all political parties and political forces in the country are competing for a group of people, that is, the landlords and gentry. The landlord gentry now held local influence, which meant that they were able to mobilize a certain amount of manpower. They also have money and food. Any political force that wants to gain control of its own province cannot but cooperate with them. ”

After finishing speaking, Chen Ke took out the last piece of information and handed it to everyone to circulate. This information clearly shows that Cai Yuanpei, the president of the newly reorganized Guangfu Association, made the first political move to turn the firepower and began to violently attack the "Xu Xilin's right-leaning capitulationist line."

"Aren't you afraid of the cold hearts of those people in the Restoration Society?" A comrade asked incredulously.

"Chilling? I'm afraid that some people still think it's very satisfying. Chen Ke smiled coldly.

After saying this, Chen Ke's expression became solemn. "Comrades, we are definitely not relying on landlords, nor on the gentry. Even if we will be under the Beiyang in the future, in fact, we and the Beiyang are also reciprocal cooperative relations. The foundation of our People's Party is the people, and the people's revolution is a revolution from the people. After the end of the study, everyone will go to work in the local area, and we must not waver in the slightest about the core of our work. ”

"Don't worry, Chairman Chen, we will definitely keep this matter in mind." The comrades replied one after another.

While he was talking, someone handed in a piece of news, and Chen Ke laughed after reading it, "Say Cao Cao Cao arrived." Xu Xilin has brought more than 200 people to Changxing County to work. They have already sent a message to Guangde County, which is next to Changxing County, hoping to help each other in the future. ”

"Really kicked Xu Xilin out? Cai Yuanpei's methods are really ruthless. The comrades asked in surprise.

"By this time, there is no hand fast and no hand slow. There will be a lot of this kind of thing in the future. In explaining to his comrades, Chen Ke also inadvertently made an expectation for the future.