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If there was one person who could force several leaders of the Soviet countries to pick up the phone and exchange ideas, it was only Yanayev, who was far away in Moscow. Kravchiko and Shushkevich, who had returned from the Kremlin with a stomach full of grievances, immediately called Georgian President Zvyade, informed him of the situation and told Zvyad to prepare.

Zvyad, who was still asleep, was awakened by Kravchiko's retelling, he sat up from the bed, held the phone and said excitedly, "Are you telling the truth, Yanayev is ready to cancel the UN seats of Belarus and Ukraine, doesn't this make it clear that he is going to start attacking the member countries?" ”

If Zvyad was still agonizing over his inability to find allies, Yanayev is now pushing the leaders of the two member states into his own anti-Soviet camp.

"Yes, President Zviad." Mr. Shushkevich said he could clearly hear Zviad's cheerful tone on the phone and understand what the Georgian leader was having. After all, the events in Almaty led to the first crack in the collapse of the Soviet Union, and Tbilisi completely slid the Soviet Union's ethnic relations into a bottomless abyss.

"I think we should talk about how to oppose Soviet rule, and I want to expel all these vampires from Georgia, just as they did when they exiled us Georgians to cold Siberia." Zvyad unabashedly expressed his anger at the Soviet Union, and with his deformed resentment at the historical nationalist policies of Stalin, the Georgian separatist forces vented all their anger on the Abkhaz and Ossetian people in their territory.

"We are still making a fuss about the national issue, and after several major riots in 1989, the Soviet Union has obviously behaved as a rat on the issue of member states, and as long as our attitude is tougher, the more Moscow will be able to do anything about us." Shushkevich seems to have forgotten that he is still the supreme chairman of the Belarusian Soviet, and openly expressing his dislike for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is tantamount to tantamount to treasoning against the party, but in 1991, when he wanted to win the people to be ashamed of his party members, Shushkevich's remarks did not feel so shocking.

"Haha, Shushkevich, I don't need you to say that this is what we do best." Zvyad could have made his fortune in street politics, inciting people to besiege government buildings, publicly accusing Yanayev of oppressive regimes and presenting himself as the savior of Georgia.

But if the public knew that Zviad had received dollars from the United States before, what would his expression be.

"I will then arrange for a demonstration in front of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia, and continue to fan the flames against Soviet power, just as the mobile propaganda group established three years ago with Kostava and Tsereteli was established. As soon as the forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs act, we can justify the riot. ”

"Riot?" Hearing this, Shushkevich was calm on the surface, but his heart was already turbulent, and he pressed his voice and asked, "President Zviad, what do you mean by this?" Blatant force against the Soviets? ”

Shushkevich had always insisted on a non-violent form of confrontation with the Soviets, and anyway, the whole regime was already in decline, and it was only a matter of time before he broke free from the red chains, but Zviad's approach had a sense of adding to the snake. Once the conflict is too intense, they will not be able to control the situation.

"Yes, riot." Zviad said with satisfaction, "What if the Soviet Union has a strong military strength? The Georgians have a steady stream of money and arms from the United States, and we can engage in limited conflict with them, or we can play guerrilla warfare with them, and I don't believe how strong an army can be with which even a group of Afghan hill tribes cannot conquer. ”

Zvyad is emboldened by a steady stream of Kalashnikov rifles and rockets, and even helicopter gunships, delivered by NATO's military integration bloc across the Turkish border. And the defeat of the Soviet army in Afghanistan also made him think that as long as the Soviet Union was dragged into the quagmire of a long war, the Soviet Union, forced by the severe economic decline, would sit at the negotiating table and cede Georgia from the territory in a real sense.

For this reason, Zvyad has been eye-to-frow with the people of the Chechen Republic, and persuaded Bush to also fund arms to support the Chechen Republic, Zvyad is not stupid, Georgia alone may not be enough for the Soviet Union to sit down and negotiate, but what about adding a Chechnya, a Baltic state, a Ukraine, and an Uzbek Soviet Republic? Can the embattled Yanayev still maintain his tough attitude?

"The use of force will not solve the problem, President Zvyad, and I still hope you can." Shushkevich, the supreme chairman of the Belarusian Soviet, expressed concern that his relations with the Soviet Union were not as difficult as those of other member states, after all, Belarus and Russia have a long and deep relationship and a greater sense of national identity.

"I'm sorry, Shushkevich, I've already made up my mind. In fact, this is what I have been thinking about for so many days, that they will only give in if Moscow is at its weakest to deter the Soviets by force with a new and powerful coalition. If you choose to sit on the sidelines, please feel free, it's late at night, and please rest early, goodbye. ”

There was a busy beep on the other end of the phone, Shushkevich sighed and hung up the phone, he suddenly had a bad idea in his heart, as if all this was playing out according to Yanayev's script.

Blindness and willfulness always have a price, and just like the 2008 war, Georgia paid a heavy price in South Ossetia and recognized the fact that the heritage of a great power will not fall to the level that a small third-rate country can be bullied by others because of its disintegration. But now it is still 1991, and Georgia, which is backed by NATO, has the courage to see everything.

Zvyad summoned Kostava overnight, and the two discussed how to demonstrate in front of the Soviet government building, which, although it was only a nominal symbol of the Soviet Union, did not mind adding a burning fire to the building, which had been stripped of its soul and only its shell.

They were no longer talking about the drama of politicians in the streets, but about plotting an elaborate upheaval, first instigating students, teachers, and workers to take to the streets to demonstrate, smashing everything that symbolized the Soviets, and then storming the Soviet government apparatus and beating up the workers. By the time the police cleared the field, the trained troops had changed into civilian clothing and fought back with firearms. After crushing the first wave of repression, the military police quickly stormed the military base to seize weapons, and armed unrest! He then launched a rebellion with the leaders of the Chechen member states with whom he had already been connected, leaving the Soviet army to fend for itself.

All this was going on in Zviad's heart, which he had already practiced countless times, so smoothly and orderly, that it gave him the illusion that it was not too smooth.

For him, the moment that decided the fate of the Georgians was in the midst of the great upheaval a few days later!