[Anti-Japanese Iron Blood King] Chapter 781: Sino-Japanese Preparatory Talks (Subscription Requested!) , ask for a monthly pass, ask for everything! ）

Ma Zheng's worries are not groundless, but something that is entirely possible. Pen % fun % Pavilion www.biquge.info

A year ago, the Japanese side would never have made too many concessions, after all, at that time, the Japanese army had obvious military superiority alone, and its offensive strength was obvious to all.

But now it is not easy to say, after all, the situation of Japan is relatively bad now, its military superiority is constantly catching up, its economy is gradually becoming unsustainable, and the voice of anti-war in the country is also growing louder and louder, and there is no profit to be gained in continuing to fight this war. In order not to engage in this loss-making business, it is understandable that the Japanese government should give up some interests.

To put it bluntly, it is just a word, that is, there is now the possibility of cooperation between the Japanese Government and the Nationalist Government, and there is a basis for cooperation and a need for cooperation.

However, Ma Zheng also knows that Lao Jiang does not believe in the Japanese very much now, after all, the Wang puppet regime is a thorn in Lao Jiang's heart, and if this thorn is not pulled out of Jiang's bald head, it can be said that it will be difficult to sleep, how can he still have the heart to talk with the Japanese.

Moreover, there are detailed records of this peace talks in history, and various sources show that the peace talks were only wishful thinking on the part of the Japanese side, and Chiang's response to the "peace talks" was only an expedient measure, not sincere.

At that time, some people on the Japanese side had already realized that "the Tong work was the peace work that the Japanese government pinned its hopes on, and the Chongqing side was a strategic work carried out under the leadership of Dai Li, the leader of the Blue Coat Society." ”

If the Nationalist Government paid very sincerely in the first two peace talks, then this time Lao Jiang paid at most three points of sincerity in the peace talks. With regard to the Japanese government's "peace talks" aimed at inducing surrender, the Chongqing side responded to Japan's policy and held talks with the Japanese side out of various considerations.

However, the talks ended without any results after nearly a year, much to the chagrin of the Japanese side.

As for how to prevent Lao Jiang from negotiating with the Japanese, to be honest, Ma Zheng has not thought of an effective way, he is not ambiguous about fighting, but when it comes to playing politics, he is really a novice, and it is better to find a few helpers for this kind of thing.

Regarding the peace talks between the Nationalist Government and the Japanese army, the most worried is probably the Yan'an side, and secondly, the bigwigs of the Gui family do not seem to agree. As for Yan Xishan in Shanxi and other local warlords, they are just grass on the wall, and the wind is strong over there and the wind is down, which is unreliable!

However, there seems to be a slight difference in this matter, even if it is related to the danger of the country and the nation, some people are still selfish, because selfishness is afraid that some people may not support themselves.

For example, let's take Yan Laoxi in Shanxi, this old man is most concerned about his hometown Shanxi, which is his foundation. Now the biggest threat to him is the Japanese, so Yan Laoxi hopes that the Nationalist Government will make peace with the Japanese devils as soon as possible. When the time comes, when the Japanese withdraw, this Shanxi is not the world of his Yan someone, so Yan Laoxi will not support him to force Jiang to resist Japan.

In addition, among the few local warlord forces that still exist in China, there are probably not many people who support them internally. The vast majority of the officers and men of the Northeast Army hoped to fight the Japanese to the end and return to their hometowns.

But since the Xi'an Incident, Zhang Xiaoliu, the boss of the Northeast Army, was put under house arrest by Lao Jiang, and Lao Jiang basically made more than 300,000 Northeast Army a plate of scattered sand through various means such as division, attack, and co-optation.

The situation of the Northwest Army is the same, Yang Hucheng was forced to go abroad, and the Northwest Army is now commanded by Sun Weiru, but the entire Northwest Army is now only a few tens of thousands of miscellaneous soldiers, and it is also placed under the guns of the strategic group of Hu Zongnan, the old Jiang Yan, even if he borrows Sun Weiru's courage, he does not dare to toss blindly, and if he can't get it, Lao Jiang will use this as an excuse to split the Northwest Army.

Not to mention the Sichuan army, since Liu Xiang's death, the entire Sichuan army has been chaotic, and then it was completely stunned by Lao Jiang's combination of punches, and the current Sichuan army is better than the Northeast Army, and it can be regarded as having a root. But let them force Chiang to resist Japan with him, I am afraid that it will be too much to do.

The Hunan army, the Yunnan army, and the Guizhou army are the same, there are few decent armies, as long as Lao Jiang is willing, he will casually send a few divisions into the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau, and these warlords will have to be annihilated, so they will definitely not dare to be with themselves, and the only one who can support each other is the Gui army.

On 20 February, the Nationalist Government raised three questions with the Japanese about whether it was necessary for China and Japan to hold talks. First, will Japan reconsider its statement that it will not regard the Nationalist Government and Chiang as opponents, and if so, how will it confirm it to the Chinese side?

Second, if Japan's attitude toward China is really an economic partnership between China and Japan, will it be able to restore the situation before the July 7 Incident when it can achieve this goal?

Third, does the Japanese Government intend to submit a peace proposal to the Nationalist Government? If so, can you secretly send a letter of intimacy to Chiang himself on the issue of peace? Since the "Konoe Statement" had already been made public, Chiang's position was extremely difficult.

If the Japanese can give the Nationalist Government a clear answer to these three questions, and if the answers they give can satisfy the Nationalist Government, then there will be a basis for peace talks between the two sides, and the Nationalist Government will also formally hold talks with the Japanese side at that time, otherwise there will be no need for the two sides to waste their saliva.

The Nationalist Government at this time was very different from the Nationalist Government in history, first of all, in terms of national strength, due to the emergence and strong rise of Ma Zheng's department, the international community had quite a few complaints about Japan's barbaric invasion of China.

More importantly, due to the concerted efforts of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the Japanese army repeatedly inflicted heavy losses on many battlefields, although the Japanese army still has a strategic advantage, but the Japanese army has lost the upper hand in many local battles, so many countries, including Britain and the United States, do not think that Japan can completely occupy China.

In addition, some time ago, the Eighth Route Army, with the cooperation of the first and second theaters, ruthlessly cleaned up the Japanese North China Front, and forced to death the commander of the North China Front, Tada Jun, in addition to Yokoyama Isamu , Kasawara Yukio and dozens of generals sent to the military court, which had a huge negative impact on the Japanese side, so Lao Chiang was not as worried about the Japanese as he was in history.

In addition, the gap in military strength between the two sides is not as great as in history, and the Nationalist Government has basically run out of oil until now, but now, the Nationalist Government has not only received a large amount of aid from the Soviet Union, but also pulled a lot of aid from the United States, so the Nationalist Government has not yet reached the point where it cannot be sustained.

Moreover, in terms of the military strength of the two sides, although the weapons and equipment of the Nationalist Government were still much worse than those of the Japanese army, especially in terms of artillery and air force, the gap was even greater, but this gap could be made up by the advantage of numbers, so Lao Chiang was very "calm".

If the first two years had been put aside, as long as the Japanese threw out the flesh and bones of the peace talks, Lao Chiang would have already made up for it. All in all, the current Lao Jiang has a strong backing of millions of troops and various battlefields where good news is constantly coming, and the whole person can finally stand up and speak.

Of course, the representative of the Japanese side was not prepared to answer the above questions. After all, Suzuki was only a small army lieutenant, and he was only responsible for maintaining contact with Chinese troops or underground covert operations.

Soong Ziliang then relayed Chongqing's opinion: "Before the formal talks between China and Japan, three representatives from each side will hold a round-table meeting in Hong Kong at the end of February to discuss the conditions for peace. ”

Soon after, representatives of China and Japan held preparatory talks between Japan and China on the second floor of the Tohi Foreign Company in Hong Kong, which was prepared by the Japanese side. Among the Japanese representatives attending the talks, in addition to Suzuki Nakasa and Imawa Osa, there was also a new member of the Eighth Section of the General Staff Headquarters, Shigeki Usui Osa.

In addition to Song Ziliang, Lieutenant General Chen Chaolin, deputy director of the Chongqing Xingying Staff Office, and Zhang Yousan, former chief counselor of the Supreme National Defense Council in Germany, there were also alternate deputies, deputy director of the chamber of service, Major General Zhang Hannian, and liaison officer Zhang Zhiping. (To be continued.) )