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During the reign of the July Dynasty, France's foreign policy began to be marked by a sense of "flexibility" in its foreign policy. In other words, it is possible to act aggressively in remote areas that have nothing to do with the overall situation of "European harmony", but in Europe itself and in sensitive areas it needs to be done with caution. It was under the guidance of this idea that, beginning in 1839, the French ** team, under the leadership of Marshal Bijo, launched a full-scale conquest of Algeria. In addition, there were other, more "remote" parts of the world that fell to the French during this period, such as Daloa in West Africa, Madagascar in the Indian Ocean, and Tahiti in the South Pacific. And, of course, the Sino-French Treaty of Whampoa, which was forced into 1844 by the Manchu government in China.

In Europe, by contrast, the July Dynasty was rather modest. The Belgian National Assembly decided to dedicate the throne to Louis Philippe's second son, but Louis Philippe politely refused. As for the anti-Russian uprising of the Poles, Louis•Philip refused to provide any assistance. In terms of relations with Britain, the July Dynasty also pursued a policy of putting peace first.

It is precisely because the July Dynasty was accused by some people of being disregarding the life and death of other nations (of course, referring to the use of troops for foreign expansion), while others criticized it as a weak and incompetent foreign policy, coupled with the rigidity of politics and the stagnation of social and economic development, that the final result of the July Dynasty could only be the end of the world under the heavy oppression of the "three mountains".

As a result, there was a magnificent people's revolution -- the "February Revolution" of 1848 really broke out, and the July Dynasty was wiped out in this "political explosion."

However, another republic in the history of France was short-lived. The universal suffrage of adult men, which had given the workers a sense of "ownership" at a certain stage, was nevertheless resentful and disgruntled by the working class and the peasant class in the spring after the failure of a series of comical so-called democratic experiments, and it was under these circumstances that universal suffrage of one person, one vote, played almost the same effect as the barricade uprising, and had no so-called direct connection with the "bad deeds" of the RepublicLouis•Bonaparte, With the votes of the people, he easily became the president of the republic. In the years that followed, Louis•Bonaparte, whose mission was to restore his uncle's imperial cause, cleared a qiē obstacle and ascended to the throne of the emperor in the midst of the popular crowd, and the republic that had lasted four years was soon a yellow flower.

In the emerging Second French Empire, the political situation began to have a rare period of relative stability, and the social economy also showed an unprecedented improvement. However, Napoleon III's status as a new member of many European monarchs was questioned by many other monarchs. Although he himself took it in his stride, even declaring that he had been propelled by the force of a new principle to the exalted position that the old dynasty could have, a new principle of the referendum, the will of the people. Maybe it's because of this, maybe it's because there is still too much blood surging in his bloodline, which determines the kind of foreign policy that he wants to dig out the July Dynasty.

Napoleon III's initial basic approach to foreign affairs can be boiled down to two aspects.

The first is the need to break down the European political system that was formed after the Congress of Vienna in 1815. This was imposed on France by the countries of the anti-Napoleonic war coalition led by the young Russian Tsar Alexander I when the great Napoleon I led his "army of kings" invaded Russia and suffered a fatal blow, that is, Russia, Britain, Austria and Prussia joined forces to prevent the threat that France might pose to the European order. The system itself was the product of the failures of Napoleon I, their Bonapartes, and France as a whole, and it is a disgraceful proof of how much France has since become insignificant.

Therefore, in order for France to re-emerge as a European power and to play a non-dispensable role in European affairs, it is necessary to reorganize international politics. It was from this desire that Napoleon III showed great "sympathy" for the cause of national independence in various parts of the continent, and even provided "generous" material and military assistance to it.

The second is to promote the final peaceful settlement of political disputes in Europe through limited war. Perhaps personally, Napoleon III was not a war maniac like his uncle. He was likewise able to maintain friendly relations with the English, who had suffered so much from his uncle, and a few years ago he had even proposed that England and France should join together in inviting the nations of Europe to convene an all-European conference to discuss all the questions that might affect the peace.

In the age of the great powers, these ideas of Louis•Bonaparte, who was known for his eccentricity, were wonderful, but they were clearly out of place, because he ignored the many shrewd and practical realists who were lurking and active on the political scene of Europe today.

Of course, after a few years, Napoleon III's Second Empire was still proud. In North Africa, they are nearing the completion of their occupation of the entire territory of Algeria. In the Middle East, Lesepus, a relative of Empress Eugenie, is planning to contract the Suez Canal, which will begin in two years' time, and when completed, the canal will be managed by an international company based in Paris, which goes without saying that France will be very profitable.

In addition, Napoleon III finally had the first re-action that could show his imperial authority, and that was his direct participation in the Eastern War, the Crimean War, whose main objective was to fight Russia.

In Asia, he also got a new friend who fell from the sky, China.

Burblon sat quietly in his office in the Legation, holding a copy of the newly published newspaper of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, the Red Star, in his head, for his Emperor Majesty to sort out the course of the empire over the past few years.

He was unable to change the diplomatic framework of the Emperor's apparent fantasies about a limited war to promote the final peaceful settlement of political disputes in Europe, and the outcome of the Crimean War was such a product.

At lunchtime yesterday, Lin Haifeng had already given him the conditions that the final negotiations in Crimea would definitely be able to achieve, namely, the signing of a "Paris Peace Treaty" in Paris, stipulating that Russia would not keep its fleet in the Black Sea and that the Ottoman Turkish Empire would continue to maintain its territorial integrity.

Although Bourblon also knew that the outcome of such a war would be at the cost of the lives of nearly 100,000 French soldiers, in exchange for a mere prestige that would be negligible in politics. But this outcome would still be a great encouragement for the Emperor, for Russia seemed to be beginning to be effectively contained, and Paris would once again become the universally accepted centre of diplomatic activity in Europe, and the Emperor himself would seem to be the superior arbiter of Europe.

Bourblon also knew that another reason why the Emperor did not want to continue his entanglement with the Russians was that he wanted to, or was going to do, something for the "Italian independence movement" that was still struggling under the iron heel of Austria.

However, this qiē seems to be unable to hide from the committee member Lin who is good at divination. At the dinner table, Commissar Lin jokingly calculated a hexagram for his empire, if his Emperor Majesty continued to carry out his own so-called foreign policy, then Crimea would be abandoned halfway, and the same would be done for Italy, and the future Franco-Saxar alliance would still be thought by his emperor in the middle of the way: "In order to fulfill my responsibility for Italy's independence, I will go to war against the will of Europe; As soon as the fate of our country is threatened, then I will stop on the grounds of peace". However, Italy's independence will not end there, but will become more tenacious, which is a kind of inevitability.

"Fundamentally, Napoleon III's Italian policy, like the Crimean War, ended up with the opposite of what it had originally envisioned. With regard to Austria and Russia, such a policy of containment will never yield any substantive results. All in all, I don't think your empire will end well in continental Europe, you're still acting more or less as the younger brother of the British. Of course, you have two bigger potential enemies, a Prussia that is now inconspicuous. On the other hand, you don't have any real allies. The latter is perhaps even more powerful. ”

Although in the end Commissioner Lin said that his words were drunk, Bourblon did not think so. He got more enlightenment from the "drunken words" of that committee member Lin. He no longer puts himself in the shoes of a mere career diplomat, he still has a bright future.

The empire formed a new Guards corps consisting of two infantry divisions and one cavalry division, which, according to the emperor's wishes, was to be fully equipped with real fast guns from China, and became the first armed force on the European continent.

According to the previous agreement, in order to help the empire seize the Indian market, the joint cotton spinning base of China and France in Guangxi is also in full swing. And also......

This qiē cannot be stopped. But as soon as he remembered the unquestionable words of Chairman Yang Xiuqing later, Burblon died of a headache.

"Mr. Minister, here are the two Excellencies of Marshali and Ali Guo."

"Oh?" Burbulron's brows furrowed, why did they come together?

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