The day has the foreshadowing ahead. So when Pei Chengyi turned the topic to the Pacific Ocean, oh continental defense. No one was surprised.

Although the declaration of war against the United States is much less profitable than the previous high-profile declaration of war on Russia, that is, the declaration of war through regular diplomatic means, the withdrawal of diplomatic personnel from the United States, the transfer of American nationals to a third country, and so on, this does not change the status of the Pacific War, and the United States is the number one enemy of the Republic.

Along with the deployment of ground warfare workers, Pei Chengyi did not give Yuan Chenhao too many opportunities to speak.

From the very beginning, Yuan was firmly in control of the voice and dominated the proceedings. The so-called lonely palm is difficult to sing, and Yuan also performed with Admiral Li Xiangdong, chief of staff of the Navy, and Admiral Liu Ohxuan, commander of the Western Pacific Theater. More importantly, when talking about this topic, Pei Chengyi did not directly mention the issue of tactics, but proposed the establishment of a new theater based on the Western Pacific Theater after Li Xiangdong's proposal.

Now, no one thinks that Pei Chengyi is joking.

Although in the eyes of many, determining tactics is the most important, but true military strategists know it. The first thing to do is to sort out the command system. Only a complete command system can unleash the power of tactics and enable the army to win the final victory. There is no doubt that the command system of the republic in the Pacific direction is very incomplete.

It is known that after the war in Japan, the strategic focus of the republic shifted from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean. And through the later wars of India and the Middle East, the Indian Ocean was turned into the "inland sea" of the republic from the point of view of the overall strategic situation. The fundamental point of this choice is to avoid premature conflict with the United States, which is a Pacific coastal country, but not an Indian Ocean coastal country. Geographically, if the Republic continues to expand eastward after defeating Japan, it will compete with the United States for control of the Northern Mariana Islands, and even if it turns southward, it will have conflicts of interest with the United States in the Philippines, Indonesia, and Australia. The problem is that this kind of avoidance strategy can only be avoided for a while, and it is unlikely to resolve the conflict of interests between China and the United States. In other words, the fact that the republic has switched to the Indian Ocean does not mean that there is no need for interests in the Pacific. Fundamentally, the republic's need for interests in the Pacific Ocean goes far beyond the Indian Ocean.

A glance at the map shows that the greatest security threat to the republic comes from the Pacific Ocean to the east.

can

Although it borders Russia in the north, especially in the northeast, it is separated from Russia by only a boundary river. However, the Republic has the most powerful army in the world, and after the year of the occupation, the Northeast region has been transformed into an environment, a large number of heavy industries have been relocated, and the natural environment of the Xiaoxing'an Mountains, Wanda Mountains and Changbai Mountains has been restored, which is equivalent to the establishment of a strategic barrier hundreds of kilometers deep. In general, the strategic threat posed by Russia to the republic is not too great and has already been confirmed in this war. northeast. Korea that completed reunification became an ally of the republic. The loss of the Japanese threat left the authorities of the republic with nothing to worry about. In the southeast, although the Philippines, which is completely tilted towards the United States, poses some threats, and once had an impact on the Republic's Southeast Asian strategy, and is even the main passage for the US fleet to enter and exit the South China Sea, the Philippines is a small country after all, and it is close to the Republic. It will not be able to become a climate at all, and it will be difficult to pose a substantial threat to the republic, let alone pay attention to it. In the south, in Southeast Asia, with the exception of Indonesia, which is a bit tricky, all other countries have taken refuge in the Republic and have become members and associate members of the intensive bloc. Southwest. The South Asian region, with Pakistan at its core, has long been the backyard of the republic, and it is also the rearview of the republic. Even in Central Asia to the west. There are also strategic barriers such as Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Kazakhstan.

All in all, from. The beginning of the old year. After years of hard work, the republic has established a deep line in the surrounding area. kilometers between strategic defensive zones. That is, it is often said that "the sharp defense circle". On this defensive circle. The weakest link is the Ryukyu Islands to the east.

The following year, after the end of the Japanese War, Yan Jingyu, who had just become the head of the Republic, recognized the Ryukyu Islands as an independent country with the support of some delegates to the National Congress, and handed over the occupied Sakishima Islands, Okinawa Islands, Amami Islands, Tokara Islands and Osumi Islands to the newly established Federal Government of the Ryukyu Islands, and signed several military base lease contracts with the Ryukyu Federation, including Naha Military Port, Kadena Air Base, Tanegashima Space Base, Iriomote Island Naval Air Station, There are many old military bases and large military facilities, including the Okinogara Rabu Island Artillery Experimental Site and the Tokunoshima Marine Corps Garrison Camp.

This move immediately met with strong opposition from the international community.

Objectively speaking, Yan Jingyu's approach is indeed a bit excessive.

After the war, the Republic of Japan forced the Japanese authorities to sign an armistice treaty that included leasing military bases and allowing the Republic to send troops to the Ryukyu Islands, but the Republic authorities did not annex Japan or attempt to dismember Japan. In the case of the Ryukyu Islands, the Republic of China tacitly accepted a definition based on historical traditions, namely that the Ryukyu Islands included only the islands south of the Togara Strait, while the Osumi Islands to the north of the Strait belonged to Japan historically. The question is. During the war, the Republic of Korea sent troops to occupy Yakushima and Tanegashima among the Osumi Islands in order to attack Kyushu and Shikoku Islands with long-range artillery, and subsequently handed over control of the islands to the occupation headquarters under the pretext of safety. After the war, it was transferred to the Military Control and Regional Security Committee, and eventually to the Western Pacific Theater Command. In other words, after the change of year, the islands that originally belonged to Japan were also brought under the name of the Ryukyu Federation. More importantly, the Federal Government of the Lushu Islands was formerly known as the Military Control and Regional Security Commission. In this way, when Yan Jingyu announced that he recognized the Ryukyu Islands as an independent country, it was equivalent to giving all the dozens of islands that legally belonged to Japan to the Ryukyu Union.

Suffice it to say, this is the crux of the problem.

De jure, because in an armistice treaty. The authorities of the Republic did not recognize their dissupport for the independence of the Ryukyu Islands, but only pledged not to recognize the independence of the Ryukyu Islands within the year. After the Armistice Treaty came into effect, the Republic and Japan had many contacts and talks to discuss the question of the Ryukyu Islands. At that time, the Japanese authorities agreed to settle after the end of the war in order to allow the Republic to agree to emigrate to the outer islands and not to obstruct Japan's post-war reconstruction. The decision on the ownership of the Ryukyu Islands by means of a referendum is only a clear requirement that the vote must be conducted under the supervision of the international community. On this basis, the Republic and Japan signed an armistice supplementary agreement two years ago, which only provided for a referendum to determine ownership, but did not specify whether the referendum was subject to full supervision by the international community. It is precisely because of this that in a good year, Yan Jingyu made the Ryukyu Islands a federation of the Ryukyu Islands without consulting with Japan. Of course, before that, there must have been a referendum, and the result of the vote was a majority in favor of independence.

It can be seen that the problem of the Ryukyu Islands' one-act is not big. The key is to make the most of the Biyu that belongs to Japan.

It can be said that if it were not for the rather tense relations between China and the United States at that time, and two. The major powers are all preparing for war, and I am afraid that this matter will turn into a local war.

In fact, Yan Jingyu was agitating for the independence of the Ryukyu Islands, and he was also preparing for war.

Compare. ten thousand

Although during the Japanese War, the Republic occupied the Ryukyu Islands, including the Osumi Islands in the north, and forced Japan to sign an armistice agreement to lease military bases, but legally speaking. As long as the Ryukyu Islands remain Japan's territory without independence, the ownership and use of the Republic's military garrisons and military bases in the Ryukyu Islands will not be guaranteed. In fact, it is precisely this that is affected. Prior to the 2nd year, the Republic's investment in the construction of military infrastructure in the Ryukyu Islands was very limited, which seriously affected the existence of military bases. Among other things, the deployment of the most advanced aircraft carriers in the Indian Ocean by the Navy of the Republic has a lot to do with the lack of adequate infrastructure in the Ryukyu Islands, in addition to strategic needs. For example, the main reactor will be shut down after the "Chongqing" class is docked, and all other systems need to be powered by the port's power facilities, except for the emergency system powered by batteries, and the power supply capacity of Naha Port is simply not enough. It is also difficult to provide comprehensive and effective support for the "Chongqing"-class aircraft carriers.

Allowing the Ryukyu Islands to become an independent state is tantamount to legitimizing the military presence of the Republic on the Ryukyu Islands.

The problem is that even if the Ryukyu Islands were established independently, it would not have been able to provide a more secure strategic environment for the republic, and even if the old military bases on the Japanese mainland were counted in the days before the war, the republic's military bases on the Japanese mainland played a very important role, and the republic's strategic defense line in the western Pacific was still very fragile.

In terms of distance, the eastern strategic defense space of the territorial defense circle of the republic is four o kilometers

Right.

If you are facing a second-rate military power, the strategic defense depth of "thousands of kilometers is already very sufficient." The problem is that the Republic is facing a major power in the western Pacific, and even if you count the strength and strength of the defense space that extends outward, the strategic defense depth in the western Pacific is very limited. As early as the murderous year, when the first war plan was formulated, Yuan Chenhao, who was an army general, clearly mentioned that in order to ensure the security of the homeland, it was necessary to try to seize strategic points in the western Pacific, including Guam and the Philippines, in the early stage of the war. Expand the Territorial Defensive Circle eastward to the Ugly Mouth Kilometer to ensure that the Homeland is not threatened.

From a strategic point of view, if Guam and the Philippines can be captured, all problems will be solved.

The question is, is it so easy to seize Guam and the Philippines?

Obviously, this question does not need to be answered: After the United States took control of the Northern Mariana Islands as a trustee state, Guam became the most important overseas territory of the United States, with a status higher than the trusteeship area and lower than the federal states, and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean region also had the same status. Even the Philippines is not something that can be fought if you want to. In any case, the Philippines is a country with a population of nearly 100 million, and it is a long-term pro-American country, even without considering the direct dispatch of troops by the United States, it can easily occupy the Philippines. There will also be a significant price to pay for it. All in all, the march to the east was very difficult.

It is in this way that the republic retreats to the next second. Eyeing Japan's volcanic archipelago.

In a sense, the Republic sent troops to Iwo Jima and built military installations on the island. It is important to note that even if Sokura is on the right side of the military, there is reason to believe that "the slight reward of Huangdao is the substantive manifestation of the Republic's main offensive in the Pacific theater." That is, long before the year of the field. The authorities of the Republic had a clear definition of the nature of the war in the Pacific.

Since it is the main attack, it is necessary to sort out the relationship between the important and the powerful.

The mother is undoubtedly the world's most expansive ocean. A theater command will certainly not be able to keep it busy. Therefore, when talking about the Pacific Theater Command, Pei Chengyi first proposed the establishment of a new theater command, that is, on the basis of the Western Pacific Theater Command, the operational area should be divided in a strategic direction. No one objected to Yuan's decision, and even Admiral Liu Mianxuan, commander of the Western Pacific Theater, believed that it was necessary to establish a new theater. Merely. On the issue of the establishment of several theaters and the scope of each theater, there is no complete consensus of opinion.

Pei Chengyi's meaning is very clear, that is, in the early stage of the war, everything should be simple and not too complicated. Only two new theaters will be established, and if necessary in the future, new theaters will be established. Yuan Chenhao and Li Xiangdong didn't think so, both of them felt that they should be in place in one step and set up 3 to 4 new war zones. And clearly define the jurisdiction of the various theaters of operations. Avoid problems with the division of authority.

The attitude of the two sides is well understood, and Pei Chengyi wants to personally take charge of combat operations in the Pacific theater, so he must concentrate his duties and powers and not be overly scattered. Yuan Chenhao and Li Xiangdong didn't want Yuan to interfere in military operations, so they wanted to subdivide the war zone so that Yuan couldn't start.

In normal times, maybe there are no major problems.

fruit

Because in times of war, Yuan had direct command over the army, so it was argued. Because Xiang Dong and Yuan Chenhao had to make concessions one after another.

At Pei Chengyi's insistence, a new Western Pacific Theater and the Southwest Pacific Theater were finally established on the basis of the Western Pacific Theater by way of division, and the two theaters were bounded by the Caroline Islands, that is, the area north of the Caroline Islands belonged to the Western Pacific Theater, and the Caroline Islands and the areas south of them belonged to the Southwest Pacific Theater. Because this boundary line is roughly on the old degree of Beiwei, it is also called the "old degree line of the north", of course, not all areas north of the old latitude belong to the Western Pacific theater. Because it was a springboard to the southward movement to the Southwest Pacific, the Philippine Islands were assigned to the Southwest Pacific Theater. More importantly, the headquarters of the Southwest Pacific Theater was located in Naha, the former Western Pacific Theater Command, while the newly established Western Pacific Theater Command was located in Yokohama, Japan, and some of the facilities were in Yokosuka. That is, the new Western Pacific theater of operations retained only the name, and the rest were all transferred to the Southwest Pacific theater of operations.

It can be seen that Pei Chengyi focused on the Southwest Pacific battlefield.

Almost no objections were raised to this. Those who are qualified to participate in the high-level military conference are all generals of the republican ** team, and they all know the basic strategy of the republic, so they know the great significance of going south.

The problem is, when discussing the topic of tactics. Pei Chengyi did not mention the combat in the southwest Pacific.

No matter from which angle, before going south, the Republic Navy has to do one thing well. That is to ensure India's supremacy over the sea, and it must ensure absolute supremacy in the waters of the northern Indian Ocean. Exactly. Pei Chengyi first proposed combat operations in the Indian Ocean.

Although as a former army general, Pei Chengyi's specialty is on the ground battlefield, but as the commander with the most experience in the war of the Republic, his understanding of naval warfare is not below that of any one naval general. Of course, it must be admitted. Pei Chengyi's knowledge of naval warfare tactics is not rich, and as a commander-in-chief, there is no need to figure out tactical issues. When talking about the war in the Indian Ocean, Pei Chengyi only put forward two points, one is to annihilate all enemy fleets entering the Indian Ocean and prevent the enemy fleet from entering the Indian Ocean, and the other is to control the passage to the South Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and to take military action if necessary. In response to these two demands, Pei Chengyi appeared very generous, that is, the navy can freely mobilize all military resources except for the western Pacific theater, including the South China Sea Fleet operating in Southeast Asia.

It can be said that from this concise and clear military deployment, it can be seen that Pei Chengyi is indeed the most suitable wartime commander.

From another point of view, if it is not Pei Chengyi who is the Yuan, but a civilian official. Before such a major military decision can be made, it will certainly need to be widely consulted to make the decision even longer. For Pei Chengyi, there is no such problem. It can even be said that even without a senior general like Yuan Chenhao, Pei Chengyi can also serve as the supreme military commander as Yuan.

What's more, few doubted Pei's military decisions. There will be no direct opposition.

Although Pei Chengyi is not omnipotent, and no one can guarantee that his decisions will be correct, in wartime, especially in the early stage of the war, when time is extremely urgent, even if there is a deviation, timely decision-making is much better than nothing, and will even determine the final victory or defeat of the war. There is no doubt that at such a critical moment, both the army and the country need someone who can make up their minds. And a commander who firmly believes in victory.

There is this ability. And he has a strong enough appeal to be able to become the commander of the army and the country. There is only Pei Chengyi.

can