After the Guangdong District Party Committee ran into a wall, he turned to persuade the [***] Central Committee in Shanghai that in his letters to Chen Duxiu and Peng Shuzhi, he clearly expressed the hope that [***] would make concessions and accept the request not to participate in the current national political axe.

The Central Committee held an impromptu meeting in a small gray building in the concession to discuss Borodin's proposal, and Chen Duxiu was even more unimpressed by participating in the political axe, and he mocked indifferently: "The time for China's socialist revolution has not yet come, so I hurriedly want to become an official." Peng Shuzhi also agreed not to participate: "Zhongfu is right, let the Kuomintang handle the political axe, we don't need to be that official, if we really become an official, I am afraid that we will soon break away from the masses and become a bureaucrat." ”

Zhang Guotao, who was just sick, felt that something was wrong, after all, this was the words of Borodin's family, so he said euphemistically: "Comrade Zhongfu, should we ask for the opinion of the Guangdong District Party Committee, what do they mean?" ”

"What do you mean? What else can be interesting, I think they are living too comfortably in Guangdong, the development of the workers' movement in Guangdong has always been unsatisfactory, and as for the peasant associations, except for a few in Hailufeng, Peng Pai has not yet established peasant cooperatives in other places. Such good conditions, but..., tell them to do something in a down-to-earth manner, and don't always think about entering politics. Chen Duxiu said with a cold face.

"I don't have a problem with whether I enter the political axe or not, I want to talk about some of the problems exposed by our party since the May Day Movement," Cai Hesen said and coughed vigorously. Chen Duxiu looked at his uncomfortable appearance and said with concern: "Comrade Hesen, you should go to the hospital for a check-up, don't be too tired." Cai Hesen waved his hand to indicate that he was fine.

"Since the May Day Movement, our party organization has done some work in the early stage, but with the deepening of the movement, our party's leadership over the movement is obviously insufficient, and the party cadres have been busy all day long and have not grasped the key points.

Cai Hesen's words were very sharp, and there was silence in the meeting for a while, and Li Lisan felt a little aggrieved, he was the chairman of the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions, and he was sent by the party to lead the May Day Movement. Mr. Cai's remarks were undoubtedly accusing him of poor leadership of the movement. However, he could not refute Cai Hesen's criticism, and the 17 articles proposed by the General Chamber of Commerce were revised to 13 by the General Chamber of Commerce, but these 13 articles were opposed by the representatives of the trade unions, believing that the concessions were too great, and Li Lisan, who accepted the 13 articles, was almost knocked out of power.

"Comrade Hesen's criticism is true, but the main position of our party in leading the May Day Movement is the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions, which has hundreds of staff and more than 100 subordinate trade unions.

Zhang Guotao, who was appointed by the Central Committee to guide the Shanghai labor movement, took Li Lisan's words and said: "Comrade Lisan's words are correct, the root of the problem is that our party's strength is too weak, and all the forces that our party can mobilize in Shanghai have been put into the federation of trade unions. ”

"I have no intention of blaming Comrade Lisan and Comrade Guotao, I have the same view as them, and the purpose of raising this issue is to hope that the Central Committee will reconsider the mode of cooperation with the Kuomintang, which has now seriously restricted the development of our Party; Zhong Fu just said that Guangdong has such good conditions, but why hasn't it developed? I believe that it is still affected by intra-party cooperation, so I solemnly propose to the Central Committee to revise the current mode of cooperation from intra-party cooperation to non-party cooperation. ”

Cai Hesen's words finally irreversibly changed the topic of the meeting, and there were disagreements with the top level of [***] on intra-party cooperation from the very beginning, Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, and Cai Hesen were all opposed to intra-party cooperation and advocated the establishment of a united front with the Kuomintang, but Ma Lin, the representative of the Comintern to China at that time, insisted on adopting this form, and Li Dazhao also supported Ma Lin's opinion. Differences of opinion erupted at the Third Party Congress, and Zhang Guotao, Cai Hesen, and Taizu had a heated debate with Ma Lin, Qu Qiubai, and Zhang Tailei for two weeks.

After more than a year of practice, the drawbacks of intra-party cooperation have now emerged, the number of party members has not changed much compared with the previous two years, the party's grassroots cadres are busy establishing the Kuomintang party department, ignoring the development of the party organization, Shanghai is the seat of the central government, but the development of the party organization in Shanghai is slow, and it is not enough for the May Day Movement to put all the manpower of the party organization in Shanghai.

Chen Duxiu was very embarrassed, and he did not fail to consider the question raised by Cai Hesen, but to change this decision, the consent of the Comintern must be obtained, and the Central Committee has no right to revise such a major decision, but the Comintern will never agree to revise this decision.

"Intra-Party cooperation is decided by the Comintern, and we, as subordinate organizations of the Comintern, must abide by the decisions of the International, which is the organizational discipline of the Party." Chen Duxiu weakly defended.

"I don't agree with Comrade Kazumori." Li Lisan said: "Judging from this movement, the strength of the Chinese working class is still very weak and cannot lead the Chinese revolution, so it is necessary to insist on the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and it is not impossible to adopt the method of development within the party, but it is just that the party members in various localities are keen to develop the Kuomintang party departments and ignore the development of our party, which is their guiding ideology is wrong. ”

"I also disagree with Comrade He Sen's opinion, after the cooperation between the KMT and the Communist Party, the situation in Guangdong has developed very well, and the influence of our party has developed rapidly. Obviously, we can't, we must not be intimidated by temporary difficulties, we must have confidence that with the development of the revolution, we can develop the party organization and transform the Kuomintang, both of which can be achieved. Qu Qiubai also disagreed with Cai Hesen's opinion.

"At the beginning, I opposed intra-party cooperation because I was worried about losing the reading power of our party, but now it seems that intra-party cooperation has not appeared in this situation, but it has constrained the development of the party, which I did not expect, and the central government should put forward some suggestions on how to develop our party organization under the condition of intra-party cooperation, so as to avoid ideological confusion among local comrades." Zhang Guotao euphemistically agreed with Li Lisan's opinion.

Cai Hesen was about to speak, a wave of annoyance suddenly welled up in his chest, and a violent cough erupted, Li Lisan, who was sitting next to him, immediately walked behind him and patted his back gently, looking at Cai Hesen's appearance, Chen Duxiu persuaded him to go to the hospital again.

"That's it for the matter of participating in the national political axe, as for other issues, wait and see." Chen Duxiu could not see clearly whether or not to change the intra-party cooperation, but there was one point: the decision was made by the Comintern, and it was impossible to change it without their consent, and it was even more difficult to convince them.

The young [***] elite, who had sensed the deviation of the party's main strategy, but lacked the power to challenge authority, deprived them of the opportunity to make corrections on their own initiative until a year later, when the party affairs were put in order.

History rolls forward with great regrets, and history stubbornly reverses the trajectory of deviation to the right track of time.

Zhuang Jihua's countermeasures at great risk were partially vetoed by Chiang Kai-shek and Liao Zhongkai.

Liao Zhongkai read Chiang Kai-shek's "The Study and Judgment of the Current Situation and the Countermeasures We Should Take" in one breath, and the shock in his heart was incomparable, even greater than the shock when Sun Yat-sen told him that he wanted to reorganize the Kuomintang.

Putting down the papers, Liao Zhongkai looked at Chiang Kai-shek, and he now understood why Chiang Kai-shek kicked the others out of the room as soon as he entered the door. And Chiang Kai-shek probably agreed with Zhuang Jihua's strategy, otherwise he would not have shown him the documents. After thinking about it, Liao Zhongkai sighed and said, "Kai-shek, it seems that you agree with his plan. ”

"I don't fully agree. Stubborn is still too young. Chiang Kai-shek said in a deep voice: "He underestimated the great powers too much, and his estimation of our party was too high." However, the plan to straighten out the finances and reorganize the army is feasible. ”

Liao Zhongkai nodded, Zhuang Jihua is not clear about the true strength of the Kuomintang, the grassroots Kuomintang organizations have always been scattered, and even many places can be said to be no, taking Yanjing as an example, the capital of the country, but before the premier went north, there was no party department, Guangdong is the strongest area of the Kuomintang, but the county party departments in many counties have not yet been established, and Zhuang Jihua's proposal to establish party departments in townships and villages is undoubtedly unrealistic.

"However, his analysis of some ills in the party is still correct, and it is also a very correct idea to recruit young people into the party." Liao Zhongkai was reluctant to completely give up this plan, how many years has the Kuomintang been founded, and no one has drawn up such a comprehensive development plan. Over the years, the prime minister has been planning different strategies according to the situation, and although he has put forward the party's long-term goals, he has never defined the party's program of action, and the entire party building has been in a state of stagnation, so that he has to introduce [***] theories and personnel. At present, the countermeasures proposed by Zhuang Jihua are not only feasible, but can also be expanded into the work guidelines for party building and army building, and his value cannot be overstated by the Kuomintang.

After a moment of contemplation, Liao Zhongkai said to Chiang Kai-shek: "It is impossible to implement it completely, it is unlikely to take over the May Day Movement in the first place, and [***] will also launch a general strike in Hong Kong." ”

When Chiang Kai-shek heard about the strike in Hong Kong, he couldn't help but interrupt Liao Zhongkai's words and asked: "Strike in Hong Kong?" Isn't that why we have to bear all the pressure of the British, and how can we solve the problem of so many people having food, clothing, and lodging once the striking workers return to the interior? How much does it cost? ”

"Yes, Deng Zhongxia came to me, and I promised to give them a monthly fee of 10,000 oceans, and just this 10,000 oceans were squeezed out of their teeth. Once the national political axe is established, there will be more places to use the money, what will happen when the time comes. Liao Zhongkai felt sad when he thought about it.

"In my opinion, the only way to do this is to unify finance, which, according to the Cultural Revolution, will not only make the political axe rich, but also prevent the emergence of new warlords." The establishment of the Nationalist Axe was still a secret to low-level officials like Zhuang Jihua, but it was open to high-ranking officials like Chiang Kai-shek and Liao Zhongkai. The establishment of the National Political Axe has already entered the accelerated track, and if it were not for Borodin's hesitation, I am afraid that the personnel arrangements for the National Political Axe would have already begun to be discussed.

"Yes, Tan Yankai, Zhu Peide, and even Li Renchao have all expressed dissatisfaction with Ruwei's monopoly of Guangzhou's tax revenue, and after the political axe is collected, these contradictions will no longer exist." Chiang Kai-shek had also heard of what Liao Zhongkai said, but at this time, when Liao Zhongkai confirmed it personally, he felt an indescribable joy in his heart. The gun shot the first bird, Brother Xu, let's let you be proud for a while.

But Chiang Kai-shek did not speak, Liao Zhongkai knew the relationship between Chiang Kai-shek and Xu Chongzhi, and he hoped that through Chiang Kai-shek's mouth, he could tell Xu Chongzhi to divide some interests and balance the relationship between the various armies, but he did not expect Chiang Kai-shek to accept this topic at all, he had to swallow the words he had thought of, and he couldn't help but blame Chiang Kai-shek for only caring about brotherhood and ignoring the difficulties of political axes. He knew that Xu Chongzhi was roasting on the fire, which was exactly what he couldn't ask for.

"Speaking of which, Brother Zhongkai, our party and army have been expanded into divisions, but what about the source of military spending?" Although Chiang Kai-shek was happy, after the expansion of the party army, the source of funds was not decided, and the source of funds was actually taxes.

All armies in Guangdong have withheld tax revenues to pay their salaries, and the premise of withholding fiscal and tax revenues is that they must have territory, and the party and army cannot withhold tax revenues without territory.

The meaning of Chiang Kai-shek's words was to let Liao Zhongkai find a way to help the party army get a piece of land so that he could collect some taxes.

"I still use you to say that the affairs of the party and the army are my business, don't forget that I am still the political commissar of Huangpu, and I am discussing with you and asking him to let the tax out." Liao Zhongkai understood what Chiang Kai-shek meant, but what he didn't say was that Xu Chongzhi didn't want to let it go at all, Xu Chongzhi proposed that the funds for the party army should be handled by Soviet Russia, but the funds provided by Soviet Russia are enough for the current Whampoa Military Academy, not to mention the entire party army.

But Chiang Kai-shek understood Liao Zhongkai's words, guessed that Xu Chongzhi was unwilling, and couldn't help but feel a little annoyed in his heart. But his face remained unmoved.

"That's good, or we'll have to drink porridge again next month."

"How come, it's different now than it was then, don't worry, you will never let the party army drink clear soup porridge." Liao Zhongkai saw Chiang Kai-shek mention the predicament when Whampoa was established, so he smiled and comforted him.

"By the way, Kai-shek, did you report the situation of the Sichuan army after returning from the Cultural Revolution?" Liao Zhongkai suddenly thought of the purpose of sending Zhuang Jihua to Lianshan.

"After talking, he proposed to reorganize the Sichuan Army, and the specific plan is here." As he spoke, Chiang Kai-shek took out the "Sichuan Army Transformation Plan" from his leather bag and handed it to Liao Zhongkai.

(To be continued)