Due to the different conditions of the Soviet Union and Hungary, the people's support for the first time of liberation was soon lost, and social contradictions became increasingly acute. By the end of the fifteenth year, Hungary had developed a national confrontation. On one side of the confrontation was the broad masses of the Hungarian masses, and on the other side was the leading group of Soviet Stalinist policies pursued by Rakosi. The emergence of such a state of affairs was a serious threat to the interests of the USSR.

After Stalin's death, the Central Committee of the CPSU began to oppose the cult of personality and demanded that the socialist countries also check their policies. Soon, Rakosi? Matthiash, Najib? Imre led a Hungarian party and government delegation to Moscow. In view of the deteriorating political and economic situation in Hungary, Rakosi was severely rebuked by the principal leaders of the CPSU Central Committee, such as Malenkov, first deputy secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and chairman of the Council of Ministers, Beria, first deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers and minister of internal affairs, Molotov, first deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers and minister of foreign affairs, and Nikita Khrushchev, secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

The plenum decided that Rakosi would no longer be prime minister, and suggested that Najib Razak should no longer serve as prime minister. Imre was prime minister, and the plenum called for the strengthening of the party-masses relations and the consolidation of the workers' and peasants' alliance. The plenum decided to slow down the pace of industrialization in economic development, especially in heavy industry, and to increase investment in agriculture, light industry, and food industry, rather than to pursue the development of cooperatives in numbers.

urging the reduction of excessive centralization and greater autonomy for businesses and local institutions; It means to raise the real living standards of the residents, first of all, the workers, and to raise wages. Reduction or exemption of agricultural requisition and tax burdens. improving the supply of goods; Important measures to strengthen the rule of law have also been proposed. Thus began what is known as the new phase and the first attempt at reform.

Najib? Imre, Lakosi and others were both leaders of the Hungarian Communist Party's Foreign Affairs Bureau, who had been in exile in the Soviet Union for a long time before the liberation, and among the Moscow faction, Nagy was more moderate, pragmatic, full of reform spirit, and had high prestige among the masses, so he was favored by the Soviet leadership and regarded as the best candidate to alleviate Hungarian social contradictions, restore the collapsed economy, and maintain social stability.

As a representative of anti-dogmatism. Najib played an active role in the implementation of the resolutions of the Hungarian Party plenum. After becoming prime minister, Najib announced his policy agenda in the National Assembly, which was widely welcomed by the people.

In accordance with the Party's proposals, the Hungarian Government revised the national economic plan, raised wages, improved market supply and employee welfare, lowered the prices of industrial products, relaxed the regulations on the requisition of agricultural products, abolished restrictions on the circulation of agricultural products, increased the area of self-reserved land, and allowed the withdrawal of cooperatives and the dissolution of production cooperatives.

Cooperative social sales, financial and tax incentives. Re-issue handicraft licences and streamline institutions. The procuratorate was established, the concentration camps were disbanded, and cases of violations of the law were initiated. However, the main leaders of the Hungarian Party interpreted the resolution differently, and two opposing blocs gradually formed within the party, represented by Rakosi and Nagy.

Beria was killed, and Malenkov's position was greatly weakened. Malenkov was a leading spokesman for economic reform in the Soviet Union, and Najib was considered his protégé. Molotov, a hardliner in the leadership of the CPSU, called Rakosi and Nagy immediately after the fall of Beria to warn Rakosi and Nagy, saying that the resolution of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Party was overly critical of previous work. At this time, Rakosi, who had always wanted to regain power, was encouraged and began to attack Najib.

All members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU again summoned Rakosi and Nagy and other Hungarian leaders in Moscow, and Nagy was sent to the "dock". However, Najib argued with his arguments, refused to review it in front of the leadership of the CPSU, and resolutely defended the "new stage" of reform. Within the Central Committee of the CPSU, in August last year, Malenkov proposed to accelerate the development of light industry and consumer goods industry in order to further develop and improve agriculture, while adhering to the traditional policy of giving priority to the development of heavy industry. Malenkov's "new course" was opposed by Khrushchev and others.

Since December last year, the Soviet leadership has re-emphasized the priority of developing heavy industry. This month, Khrushchev and others used the issue of the ratio of light and heavy industry to blame Malenkov, forcing him to resign at a meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union in February. Rakosi and others accused Najib of being Malenkov's man. In March, Rakosi presided over a plenum of the Central Committee, suggesting that Najib was a representative of the wrong line.

Serov smoked a cigarette while looking at the materials, his expression was sometimes nervous and sometimes relaxed, as if he was reading a novel, and finally put down the documents in his hand, ", it's comparable to a palace suspense!" "What the hell is a problem in Hungary, it is obviously a problem in the Soviet Union, which has spread to Hungary. Malenkov, Khrushchev, and Molotov each had their own views, and Malenkov and Molotov, who were supposed to stand together, were not only different from each other in their Hungarian positions, but also diametrically opposed, and Khrushchev was a standard wall-riding faction.

This made Serov scratch his head, Serov, who didn't know the specific situation, was ready to die if anyone dared to take the lead, but now after reading the specific documents, he actually felt a little bit of a feeling that he couldn't get his hands on it.

"A gang of leaders are vying for power and profit, and the ultimate victims are the people? How do I seem to have seen this sense of immediacy somewhere? Serov showed 120,000 points of pity to the Hungarian people, and if Serov was right, the role of the Hungarian people in the Hungarian affair, like that of all other countries, once again played the role of cannon fodder. Even if their proposition is successful, it is difficult to say whether Najib will be able to meet their conditions.

Sometimes Serov feels sad that he is just a person, but he has to worry about a superpower. I can't tell anyone that the Hungarian incident is a continuation of the internal strife in the Soviet Union, and the people are just dust swept up in it, which makes Serov very sad, no matter what the doctrine, the people's status is always exalted, and in the end no one respects the people's opinion. On the contrary, the people always pay for the mistakes of the government.

"I should see if I can save these people's lives!" Serov was a little depressed, fortunately no one came in, otherwise he thought that something had happened to Serov, "No, I'm not saving the Hungarians, I'm for my own future!" Serov is determined to continue to treat everyone as NPCs, and feelings should not be in him.

Secretly, fortunately, no one saw it! Serov refocused his attention on the document, first of all, it can be made clear that no one will believe this matter at all except Serov himself, second, the people are innocent, and it is necessary to find a way to keep ordinary people out of the matter, and third, once the Hungarian incident breaks out, the Soviet Red Army must not be allowed to dispatch, once this kind of thing involves the army, it is a big thing, and for the Soviet Union, it is definitely a negative impact. And the Soviet Red Army, once dispatched, was easily talked about along with the Italian elections.

Because in the Italian election, when ** came to power, everyone knew that the United States was pinching its nose and forcibly enduring disgusting and accepting its fate. No matter how much news there was about the United States and the Soviet Union fighting for Italy, in the end the United States did not react at all. With the reaction of the United States as a contrast, once the Soviet Red Army dispatched to suppress it, the comparison between the two countries completely showed the hegemony of the Soviet Union, which was very detrimental to the national image of the Soviet Union.

It is simply impossible to eliminate the catastrophe invisibly, and Serov does not have the ability to do so. Moreover, the dispute between Nagy and Rakosi in Hungary is not something that a KGB major general can manage, and even if Serov goes out first and says that Hungary will evolve into what it was later, no one will believe it.

After thinking about it for a long time, Serov felt that his head was going to explode, and if he didn't go to Hungary, it was impossible to understand the reason in detail, and Serov, who had made up his mind, was going to go to Hungary to see if there was a solution, and by the way, he could also meet the big man, the future Soviet helmsman Andropov.

Serov calculated the time and found that in fact, his time was in a very awkward position, on the surface the time was enough to arrange anything, but whether it was the capture of Peter **v and Pinkovsky, or the Hungarian incident, or the Suez Canal War, these things seemed to come together, if they all cared, when the time came, Serov might be out of luck.

Before that, Serov still has one more thing to do, that is, to arrange the work of the Soviet Foreign Intelligence Department, which is very simple, the main direction of monitoring is the two brothers and sisters of Britain and France, sometimes history is really interesting, the two countries always appear as collaborators in the world, and when you ask the people of the two countries who they hate the most, usually their answer is not the United States or the Soviet Union, but each other. According to the popular phrase of the previous life, this is called love and killing......

Theoretically speaking, the Suez Canal was indeed jointly dug by Britain and France, and Nasser was nationalized, which naturally made Britain and France dissatisfied, and it was just ten years after the end of World War II, and there were still remnants of the strength of the two countries, so they would naturally not be polite to Egypt, a country that had just become independent. It's a pity that Britain and France have forgotten one thing, they are still strong countries, but they are no longer the strongest two. Britain and France maintained the status of colonial empires, not only the Soviet Union was unwilling, but also the United States was unwilling, so after the United States and the Soviet Union reacted, it was immediately the result of the joint pressure of the United States and the Soviet Union on Britain and France. The two upstarts kicked the two lonely nobles off the stage together.

Picking up the phone and asking Shirekov to come in, Serov said, "Shirekov, I'm going to go to Hungary, you go and arrange for me to put the main forces in Britain and France when I'm away, especially the radio between Britain and France, and be sure to keep a close surveillance!" (To be continued......)

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