In addition, starting next year, all full-time colleges and universities will offer both correspondence and evening schools in order to meet the needs of a large number of young people who want to go on to higher education. At the same time, large factories and mining enterprises, state-owned farms, and scientific research institutions have also set up schools of higher learning that practice the system of part-time work and study to serve their own departments.

Educational reform was just an appetizer for Khrushchev, who was able to kill all other leaders after Stalin's death, and Khrushchev, who thought highly of himself, was never satisfied with petty fights, and he wanted to do more to make people forget about his predecessor, the steel leader. Of course, before that, Khrushchev had to replace the comrades who opposed his policy, and at the same time achieve the status and authority of Stalin at that time, so that he could better plan the Soviet Union that belonged to him.

In fact, Brezhnev and Sherepin, who were present at today's meeting, knew that the main purpose was to deal with another person in power in the Soviet Union, Marshal Bulganin, chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union. Marshal Bulganin always appeared in front of the other comrades with a close and cooperative attitude with Khrushchev, at least to the impression that most of the comrades.

With the exception of one time when he showed an unfirm position, Marshal Bulganin, as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, should be said to be impeccable, and that time when his position was not firm was last year, when the Malenkov clique was in trouble. Khrushchev had not yet reached the point of being dizzy with old eyes, and Khrushchev had a sense of vigilance against leading cadres of his contemporaries. Therefore, after the dismissal of Marshal Zhukov, it was natural that Khrushchev would set his sights on Marshal Bulganin, who was not firm in his position at that time and had become a wall-riding faction.

If it was just this one thing, Khrushchev was already a well-deserved leader of the Soviet Union, and he might not have replaced Marshal Bulganin ruthlessly, because after all, it was a personal vendetta. But the relationship between the two began after Khrushchev thwarted the Malenkov clique, and there were subtle changes. Khrushchev, who had thwarted the Malenkov group, undoubtedly won a great victory with a single counterattack, along with the vacant position in the Presidium of the Central Committee of the USSR. All of them are in the hands of the cadres who support Khrushchev, and the current Presidium of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union will no longer have a situation in which Khrushchev occupies a disadvantage.

At a time when most of the positions in the Presidium of the Central Committee were occupied by Khrushchev's promotion of cadres, except for the good old man Mikoyan. Marshal Bulganin stood out in the Presidium of the Central Committee at once. Marshal Bulganin, as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, was on a par with Khrushchev in terms of qualifications and position, and Khrushchev himself did not feel any good, but after Marshal Bulganin began to oppose Khrushchev's policy, the relationship between the two suddenly became more and more delicate. Now Khrushchev has finally made up his mind to replace Marshal Bulganin as well.

This was mainly due to the fact that Marshal Bulganin was very opposed to Khrushchev's policy of détente towards the United States, and Khrushchev, with the active promotion of the Soviet Union, reached a peace treaty with Austria, and the Soviet troops withdrew from Austria at the same time. In the same year, diplomatic relations were established with the Federal Republic of Germany. The Soviet Union made great concessions to the West on the Austrian peace treaty and no longer insisted on a package solution to the Austrian and German problems.

Before the 20th National Congress of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev and Chairman of the Council of Ministers Bulganin visited Britain, and the two countries jointly declared their willingness to work together for peace, and the Soviet Union signed the Helsinki Protocol with Finland to transfer property on the Pokhara Peninsula and the region to Finland. This is a rare case of the return of Western territories occupied during World War II. The efforts of the Soviet Union in this regard were clearly not in vain, and the countries of Western Europe not only created the European Economic Community to seek it. The national strength of countries such as France, which sought economic independence and political and military independence, also developed, and "the United States was particularly annoyed by the fact that Western Europe, especially West Germany, France, and Italy, had shipped strategic materials and equipment worth about $1 billion to the Soviet Union."

Some of these policies were themselves accomplished by Marshal Bulganin in cooperation with Khrushchev, but they were clearly felt by Marshal Bulganin since the Malenkov clique disappeared from the highest echelons of power in the Soviet Union. Khrushchev pursued his policies with less and less consultation with other leaders, and the intensity of détente was too great, and too much liberalization had already made Marshal Bulganin feel uneasy. Therefore, since a few months ago, at meetings of the Central Presidium, Khrushchev and Marshal Bulganin often had different positions, and the two men were arguing more and more.

After completing the topic of educational reform, it did not take long for Brezhnev to stand up and say as he had written, "The main thing about our reform is proof." The Soviet Union could defeat capitalism through high-quality work and living standards, attract the people of capitalist countries through peaceful competition, and yearn for the system of our Soviet Union! Therefore, the education reform led by the general secretary is very necessary......"

Brezhnev championed the educational reform in a Khrushchev tone and took the lead in affirming the significance. The peace contest itself was a mantra that Khrushchev had often hung on the edge of the past two years, and Brezhnev showed his support for this educational reform in this way.

"The education reform has not yet been piloted, and the promotion is a bit too hasty now!" Marshal Bulganin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, asked with a frown, "Comrade Khrushchev, do you want to make preliminary preparations first......

"Comrade Bulganin, I hope you understand the urgency of time for educational matters!" Khrushchev unceremoniously refused, "How long will it take us to conduct the pilot?" Every year millions of students graduate from the USSR, and for every day we delay, we delay more than just the fate of one person! I hope that Comrade Bulganin can give more consideration to the feelings of the fresh graduates, and the sooner the education model is promoted, the better! Don't make bureaucratic mistakes......"

"How did I make a bureaucratic mistake?" Marshal Bulganin retorted unconvinced, "Shouldn't some pilot work be done before a major reform appears?" ”

"Comrade Bulganin, after all, is a military man! You may not know much about our current livelihood work! At this time, Sherepin said, "Our motherland is economically inferior to the United States, so we must give full play to the advantages of our system, Comrade Bulganin's thinking is still stuck in the war years, but our current competition with the Americans is far more than just the military level, Marshal Bulganin still needs to observe the world carefully, the world is changing!" Don't look at emerging issues with old brains......"

As soon as Sherepin's words were finished, Vorseva immediately stood up and spoke, and the focus of the question was still to refute Marshal Bulganin's opinion, and after Khrushchev's three men had finished speaking, the other members of the Central Presidium obviously felt the difference in atmosphere, and a similar scene had been seen among the original members of the Presidium, that is, when the Malenkov clique attacked Khrushchev half a year ago, but this time the two sides had changed people, and Marshal Bulganin changed from watching the fire from the other side to the target.

"All right, comrades! Although Comrade Bulganin has made some serious mistakes, he is still a good comrade of ours, so let's not hold on to Comrade Bulganin's mistakes! As soon as Khrushchev opened his mouth, he first decided that Marshal Bulganin was on the wrong side, and then from the point of view of justice, he asked the other comrades not to let go.

This obviously biased stance certainly made Marshal Bulganin very unconvinced, and he retorted unconvincedly, "Comrade Khrushchev, what is an obvious mistake and what is a serious mistake, and what mistake have I made?" ”

"Peace in today's world is the mainstream, we and the Americans have nuclear weapons, and once we go to war with the Americans, there will be no final victor! The peaceful coexistence of socialism and capitalism is possible, since there are two systems, it is necessary to strengthen the relationship between them, and not to provoke mutual hostility and hatred, and the forces that change our relations with the United States will be there, and healthy reason will prevail" Khrushchev stood on the moral high ground and looked down at Marshal Bulganin and said, "Marshal Bulganin, your ideas do not correspond to the mainstream views of the world today......"

Khrushchev's remarks immediately aroused a wave of praise, and a group of people, such as Suslov, Brezhnev, Selepin, and Vorseva, successively expressed their support for Khrushchev's views and refuted Marshal Bulganin's theory. In the end, even Mikoyan, the good old man, stood up and talked vaguely about Marshal Bulganin's mistakes.

The balance of forces of the Presidium of the Central Committee was obvious, and Khrushchev was in the midst of praise, and with his own inherent self-confidence, he said, "We resolutely advocate peaceful coexistence and advocate an economic competition between socialism and capitalism, and that is the basis for our conviction of victory is that the socialist mode of production is decisively superior to the capitalist mode of production, and since we believe so much in our ideology and constitution, we will certainly be able to achieve victory over capitalist society even without our strong military force......"

"Not bad!" Fulcaiva, who has always played the role of a pioneer among these people, first echoed, "The meaning of the general secretary is very simple, economic construction and military construction should be in an equally important position, or even more important!" We must use the inherent superiority of socialism to defeat capitalism! Here, I would like to make a suggestion that as the chairman of the Council of Ministers, who leads the government, it is necessary to have a deeper understanding of the economy, and not to bring the thinking of the military to economic construction......" (To be continued. )

PS: I'm going to overhaul this book recently, and the main site is blocked, and I can't see it, but I still routinely thank book friends for their support