Xiao Yaonan's blockade had a certain impact on the commerce and trade of central Hubei, but no matter how big the impact was, it could not compare to the fact that the central Hubei government gradually moved towards the opposite side of the gentry and wealthy merchants. Fortunately, the main economic factor in central Hubei lies in the strengthening of domestic demand.

After Xinmin University's military industry and construction investment that were not included in the price system were counted, the GDP doubled. As a result, the expenditure on education and scientific research in central Hubei has directly exceeded 60 percent of the gross domestic product, and only 20 percent of the actual military expenditure has been spent on military expenditure. Government and other expenditures are less than 10 percent.

This result made Cai Yuanpei embarrassed. He took the initiative to pay the tax and announced that he did not want the government to return it to support local construction, and allocated all his factories to the government, only to distribute profits according to shares and pay patent fees. Li Dazhao set up a national assets committee to coordinate the management of these assets. At the same time, forests, land, and minerals are all under the management of this committee.

However, Zhang Chun believes that this is only a temporary situation, and the government still needs to pull out 30% of the tax revenue to support education. Just don't concentrate these taxes on Xinmin University. All counties and cities should also set aside a certain proportion for basic education.

In fact, the Bureau of Statistics is only gradually cleaning up, and there is another large block, which is the grain reserve depot of each county. There is data for this part, but there is no price. It came up as an agricultural tax. It is under the management of each county government. Most of them are allocated for cash-for-work and military use. Some of them are also used to suppress grain traders and raise food prices. Since all other commodities can be exported, but grain is ordered not to be exported, a huge figure has accumulated in recent years. This is also the result of the allocation of three-year grain stocks to food enterprises. And this allocation is almost gratuitous. All of this should be incorporated into the price system.

According to Zhang Chun, a scientific market system is established, and a complete tax system is built on the market system. Xinmin University has long played a role in cultivating the market on behalf of the government, but this role should not be done by Xinmin University. If this is the case, Xinmin University will be a country within a country.

It is the government's job to cultivate the market, use tax revenue to support scientific research, and ensure that scientific research results are transformed in a timely manner, forming industrialization, and allowing more and cheaper goods to enter the market. This is an unshirkable responsibility of the Government.

It's a lot of work. Throughout the second half of the year, the central Hubei government was doing these things. Zhang Chun is also eyeing where the factories are included in the price system. Naturally, a cost accounting system and pricing mechanism will be established. In order to regulate the pricing behavior of various commodities, the government has set up a price bureau to restrict manufacturers and merchants from extracting unreasonable profits.

Zhang Ruoming is also involved in the study of business and price systems, and she tries to use these statistics. Build an economic map or economic data model. This will create the basis of the economic theory of the School of Trade.

This idea made Zhang Chun have to admire.

January 1, 1923. Sun Yat-sen issued the Manifesto of the Chinese Kuomintang. On January 12, the Executive Committee of the Comintern adopted the Resolution on the Question of the Relationship between the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang, which in effect ordered the Kuomintang and the Communist Party to cooperate. The Soviet Union unequivocally supported Sun Yat-sen's recapture of Guangzhou and the issuance of a declaration of peaceful reunification. Sun Yat-sen and Russian representative Yue Fei issued a joint declaration. It shows that Sun Yat-sen established the policy of alliance with Russia, and at the same time, it also shows the support of the Soviet Russian government for Sun Yat-sen.

This move once again left the CCP behind. Completely treat the CCP as a dispensable thing. Some party members fled to Jingzhou. However, in order to fulfill the promise of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, it was supported by the CPSU. Zhang Guotao, who was already the chairman of the Central Executive Committee, launched a general strike of railway workers in Beijing, targeting Wu Peifu, who was directly related to him.

The CPSU ordered an attack on Wu Peifu at this time, which was unreasonable both in terms of timing and politics.

There is only one reason, that is, Wu Peifu has the support of Britain and the United States, and he is very firm. After Wu Peifu became a leading figure in the direct line of warlords, Japan sent Itami Matsuo, the second director of the General Staff Headquarters, to Luoyang, saying that he was willing to help Wu Peifu train his troops, but Wu Peifu sternly refused.

Cao Kun took advantage of the bribery of Finance Minister Luo Wengan to sign the "Austrian Loan Extension Contract" to crack down on pro-British and American forces, and Wu Peifu bore the brunt. The contradiction between Cao Kun's family and Wu Peifu's family intensified within the direct line. On Cao Kun's 61st birthday, members of parliament went to Baoding. But Wu Peifu did not arrive, and sent Xiao Yaonan as a representative.

On January 8, Xiao Yaonan, Zhang Fulai, Sun Chuanfang and other direct generals accepted Wu Peifu's intention and advised Cao Kun not to become a presidential campaign for the time being.

The support of the CPSU for Sun Yat-sen was only part of China's strategy. For example, Ma Lin knew that he disagreed with Zhang Chun, but he still wanted to use Zhang Chun's power to establish the CCP. He also used the CCP to tempt Sun Yat-sen to agree to the Communist Party of Russia.

The Soviet Union made contact with Cao Kun and completed the treaty on the return of the land occupied by the Soviet Union in a few days, as well as the treaty on the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Outer Mongolia. In fact, it was to create a pan-pro-Soviet coalition. The Soviet Union gave Cao Kun a constitution centered on the federal scheme of inter-provincial autonomy. On the basis of bribery, Cao Kun completed the first constitution of the Republic of China in only three meetings. And this plan is likely to be approved by Sun Yat-sen, at least temporarily.

Cao Kun's approach will naturally provoke a backlash from Wu Peifu, who is pro-British and American.

Zhang Guotao launched a workers' strike at this time, not to mention whether it was righteous or not, in terms of timing, in order to suppress Wu Peifu and complete the establishment of China's pro-Soviet alliance.

Lin Changmin and Wu Hao transmitted information from all over the country to Jingmen, and the staff came to the conclusion that Wu Peifu could not be soft at this time, otherwise he would never come out. What's more, it is impossible for Wu Peifu to give up Wuhan and Hanyang Arsenal.

A general strike is harmful at this time, as it will lose a large number of workers. Due to Zhan Tianyou's relationship, the Jinghan railway workers trusted Jingmen very much, and the Wuhan Party Group developed exceptionally smoothly among the railway workers, and has become the largest party organization outside of Jingmen. Among the party groups in the country, Wuhan and Jingmen are actually one.

The CPSU was able to incite Zhang Guotao, and it inevitably had the intention of killing people with a knife.

If Jingmen stands by and watches, the situation will be very serious, and it will not only be a matter of not obeying the party's commands.

Mao Shishan's suggestion was to take the opportunity to take Hubei, and talk about it later.

The question is what to do with the concession after taking Wuhan.

Liang Qichao, Zhou Xizhe, Sun Jing, Wu Hao, and other people in government departments believed that the concession should be used to win the support of friendly foreign people. However, Li Dazhao and Mao Shishan insisted that if we reject the support of the CPSU, we should not accept the support of Britain and the United States, let alone the support of Japan. The concessions demarcated by various countries in Wuhan are in fact a country within a country and should be completely banned. Although Xu Lao's water patrol is not capable of striking the foreigners' surface ships alone, if it is supported by the rocket artillery of the ground forces, at least in the inland rivers, the foreigners' warships have only one way to be destroyed.

Mao Shishan, Gu Ming, and Guo Hua insisted on banning the concession. As Zhang Chun expressed his attitude towards banning the concession, the meeting finally reached a consensus.

The External Relations Department sent personnel to Wuhan to discuss with the Wuhan Party Group on how to cooperate. At the same time, Lin Changmin was also informed that he should take the opportunity to help British and American merchants evacuate, and as they withdrew to Shanghai, he would establish a branch overseas at the right time.

The military headquarters of the Fourth Army began to formulate a battle plan, and Li Tiancai insisted on participating in the battle, and quarreled directly with Zhang Tian.

Zhang Tian was a little younger after all, and chose to take a step back.

Zhang Tian and Li Tiancai switched defenses. Li Tiancai arrived at the Song River. In this way, the first, second, and fifth full divisions were concentrated in the Wuhan direction. The Fairy Mechanical Plant began to replenish the divisions with ammunition, and the rocket regiments were also rushing to the Song River.

The militia was also mobilized, and grain reserves in various localities concentrated grain in Suixian, Jingshan, and Tianmen.

This time Zhang Chun did not interfere with the military command.

Instead, it is to assist the central Hubei Autonomous Government to transfer enough cadres, and other places can be let go for the time being, but Daye and Hanyang must be in their own hands. The Hanyang Arsenal is the largest arms producer in Chubu, and if it is controlled, it will play a decisive role in the outcome of the war. The autonomous government of Hubei and Central China will also be relocated en masse. However, it is necessary to retain some personnel to ensure the effective operation of government agencies.

The capture of Wuhan is bound to be a major event that will shake the whole country, so at least the three divisions that participated in the attack will not be able to return in a short time. The defensive strength of the two divisions in central Hubei is insufficient, and it is impossible for Wuhan to integrate a combat-effective army in a short period of time.

Therefore, a garrison division should be prepared in Jingzhou, and the basic militia should be drawn to form it, ready to reinforce the direction of Xiangyang and Yichang at any time.

The atmosphere in the sky above central Hubei suddenly became tense. (To be continued......)