Volume 14 The Smoke of Gunpowder Chapter 97 The War of High Attrition

Daoguo said that the second main fleet had no chance at all. [Full text reading] is not complete"...

At least one thing is certain, that is, when the US Third Fleet was engaged in a battle with the First Main Fleet, the Dibi Fleet, which had previously avoided to the south, received an order and began to turn northward, and the distance between it and the Second Main Fleet was shortened to within a kilometer of force. According to the combat records of both sides, in the early morning of the 2nd, the distance between the two sides was even only one kilometer, that is, it entered the effective range of large-caliber electromagnetic guns. Unfortunately, because of some unpredictable and uncontrollable factors. The two main fleets missed the opportunity for a decisive battle.

Judging from the situation at that time, the biggest problem was the battlefield information.

According to the operational record of the Navy of the Republic. When the First Main Fleet encountered the US Third Fleet, Zhang Xuefeng's first thought was that after leaving Wellington, the Dibi Fleet had turned westward from the southern waters of New Zealand, and had already joined the Third Fleet and was near the battlefield. Affected by this. When the First Main Fleet was engaged in a battle with the US Third Fleet, Zhang Xuefeng adjusted its air defense operations. A group of Clown fighters were dispatched to the south for dispersal reconnaissance, and the First Main Fleet was prepared for a surprise attack before shelling the US Third Fleet. Affected by this, the First Main Fleet only opened fire on the US Third Fleet at 6 o'clock, that is, at the last moment, and the six salvos were carried out according to the minimum standard, otherwise, before the end of the battle, the escort warships would not have sunk the US aircraft carriers that were abandoned by the US forces with heavy anti-ship missiles, but did not have the ability to sink immediately.

Undoubtedly, this concern also had an impact on the combat operations of the 2nd Main Fleet. Although at about 6 o'clock, the First Fleet was about a kilometer south of the Second Main Fleet, and had turned north, the First Fleet and the Second Main Fleet were both in radio silence, and neither of them was seen by the other side's reconnaissance forces, so it was impossible to know the exact location of the other side, and it was even impossible to know the general direction of the other side. It was precisely for this reason that when Zhang Xuefeng was adjusting his tactical arrangements, the Second Main Fleet received an order to turn due south to southwest, that is, to approach the First Main Fleet and prepare to return fire after the First Main Fleet was attacked. Although at this time, the main fleet of Dibi was still heading north, line. Preparing for a sneak attack on the Republic Fleet, and shortening the distance between it and the Second Main Fleet at 6 o'clock, such as within a kilometer, but at 6 o'clock, when the three combat fleets of the US Third Fleet were attacked at the same time and all lost their aviation combat capability, the US commander had to issue a retreat order, so that the First Hiroshi Fleet gave up the northward outflanking operation and turned to the south to evade. At this time, even if Zhang Xuefeng had reason to believe that the No. 1 Fleet did not appear in the sea area where it could attack the First Main Fleet, it was unlikely that he would know the specific location of the No. 1 Fleet, let alone know that if the No. 2 Main Fleet was allowed to continue southward. In addition, between 6 o'clock and 6 o'clock, the first fleet could be found by searching the southern waters with "reconnaissance shells", and when the first main fleet asked the escort warships to sink the US aircraft carrier with anti-ship missiles, it would achieve an even more significant victory.

I have to say, it's a real pity.

You know, if you can seize the opportunity, even if it is a heavy damage to the Dihong fleet, the Republic Navy will be able to seize absolute sea supremacy in the southwest Pacific on February 2, and make the U.S. Navy make the strategic decision to abandon Australia and New Zealand, thus making the battle in the southwest Pacific easier.

Of course, this regret does not change the outcome.

Speaking realistically, in the "Battle of Norfolk" naval battle, the warring fleets of the two sides were closest to Norfolk Island, and the Republic Navy was able to annihilate the main air combat force of the US Third Fleet in one fell swoop, and it was already a very remarkable victory for the Dihong Fleet to lose its existence value in the southwest Pacific. If you take into account the price paid by the Navy of the Republic, that is, the loss of only a few dozen fighters, there is even more reason to believe that this was a naval battle in which a major victory was achieved both tactically and strategically.

It's just that Zhang Xuefeng is not the kind of person who accepts it when he sees it

During the day on the 2nd, the fleet of the Republic Navy has been searching for the Tsaihiro fleet.

Although Zhang Jufeng firmly believed that the first Hong fleet was nearby. Moreover, the reconnaissance plane was much faster than the battleship, but by the time he sent the reconnaissance plane, the Dichi fleet had already gone south for two hours, and the distance between it and the Third Fleet had exceeded 10 meters, and it had already left the search range of the reconnaissance plane.

It was not until 4 February that the Navy of the Republic learned from a telegram intercepted by intelligence that the Debi flotilla was on its way to Papia in Tahiti via the Antipodis Islands, after Campbell Island. Although the intelligence mentioned that the Dibi fleet is very likely to stay in Papia for a period of time, and the maximum degree of the "Long Beach" class capital ships is only a knot, so Zhang Xuefeng can send two main fleets to pursue the Dihong fleet, but at this time, the combat operation of landing on New Zealand Island has been put on the schedule, and Zhang Xuefeng put his energy on whether to fight New Zealand. That is, he insisted on a direct attack on the Fiji Islands, and only used strategic bombing to weaken New Zealand's military value. He did not send a fleet to pursue the Tyhiro fleet.

In fact, at that time, there was already information that the first fleet would return to Hawaii and be integrated into the Fifth Fleet, and it was very likely that the US warships that withdrew to Australia after the "Battle of Norfolk" would also withdraw to Hawaii one after another, that is, the US authorities had already made a strategic decision to abandon Australia, but it had not yet been announced. In this way, there was no reason to divide forces to pursue the Debi fleet when the Republican Navy had not yet put the march into Hawaii on the agenda. What's more, the Dihong fleet would be covered by shore-based air forces when it reached Papeete, while the pursuing Republic fleet would have little air support and would therefore take a lot of risks.

Under the circumstances, the first thing the authorities of the Republic had to decide was whether or not to attack New Zealand.

From a purely military point of view, it is much less difficult to attack New Zealand than it is to attack Australia. And the occupation of New Zealand is not much less significant than the occupation of Australia, but no one can deny it. The Republicans had to pay a huge price for the capture of New Zealand, and they had to spend enough to take a month. And so it goes. What is the point of committing huge forces to this and spending months, if not years, in the United States, when the United States is already planning to abandon Australia and fight the entire Southwest Pacific theater of operations?

This kind of problem that even Zhang Xuefeng can see, Pei Chengyi can't figure it out.

The purpose of the Republic's advance into the Southwest Pacific was not to occupy a few pieces of land by the middle of the century. Nor has there been any war for the purpose of occupying land. As mentioned many times earlier, for the Republic, it was necessary to advance into the Southwest Pacific for only one reason, that is, to eliminate the flank threat and lay the foundation for a transpacific crossing.

From this point of view, the occupation of Australia and New Zealand is up to the actual situation.

The reality is clear: there is no need to occupy Australia and New Zealand.

On a military level, there is no difference between depriving Australia and New Zealand of its military value through strategic blockade and strategic bombing and the occupation of Australia and New Zealand by force.

Of course, there is a more real problem here, and that is the foundation of the republic in the Southwest Pacific.

Although, in theory, New Caledonia and Vanuatu declared the opening of their territory and airspace to the Republic after the Battle of Norfolk and provided all the facilities for military operations in the Republic to serve as bases for the Republic's strategic blockade and strategic bombing of Australia and New Zealand, and there was ample space for the deployment of thousands of bombers and support for several blockade fleets. In any case, New Löridonia was a French overseas department, and Vanuatu cooperated with the Republic under French influence. Other words. In some cases, such as the humanitarian catastrophe caused by a prolonged strategic blockade and strategic bombing, and the republic's acts of war condemned by the international community, the French authorities are likely to change their tune and no longer support the republic's military operations in the south-western Pacific. Even during the war, France was unlikely to turn against the Republic, but it would have had an impact on the Republic's military operations. All in all, in the long run, it is certainly necessary for the Navy of the Republic to obtain a base with absolute autonomy in the southwest Pacific. Geographically, the Fiji Islands are ideal.

Suva Fiji is a kilometre away from Sydney and a few kilometres from Wellington. Kilometer. Although it is a little farther than Noumea, it is for a strategic bomber with a combat radius of tens of thousands of kilometers, even when fully loaded, it has exceeded the Majesty's kilometer. That's a little distance at all. After the occupation of the Fiji Islands, the Republic Navy would be able to deploy escort fighters in New Lidonia, and the Space Forces would be able to deploy bombers in the Fiji Islands, so that the sea bases originally planned to support the escort fighters would participate in combat operations in other directions. Judging by the war situation in the entire Pacific Ocean, the Republic Navy can also be based on the Fiji Islands. Expansion into the South Pacific. Even if there are few islands in the South Pacific worth capturing, long-range maritime patrol aircraft deployed in the Fiji Islands can monitor thousands of kilometers to the east, making it impossible for the U.S. Navy to send a fleet to New Zealand, let alone a fleet. That is, the Fiji Islands themselves are strategically important for the blockade of the South-West Pacific. Taken together, there is no reason why the Republic Navy should not occupy the Fiji Islands.

Of course, the most crucial question in whether to attack the Fiji Islands is how many troops to commit to it.

Although, given the situation at the time, many people thought that this Commonwealth country did not have much military power. Moreover, with Australia in the background, the Loomon Islands in the northwest, and the Tuvalu and Gilbert Islands in the north, there is little reason for the US military to deploy heavy troops in Fiji until the US authorities realize that Fiji has become a strategic location. It was too late to send additional troops to Fiji. In other words, attacking the Fiji Islands is not a difficult task. But judging by the intelligence provided by the military intelligence, the attack on the Fiji Islands will not be much less difficult than the attack on New Zealand.

In a sense. It was this intelligence from the Military Intelligence Bureau that made Pei Chengyi very cautious in strategic decision-making.

According to the Military Intelligence Agency, as early as the end of the year, the US military began to strengthen the defense of the Fiji Islands. Although, judging by the situation at the time. The main reason for the increase of US troops in Fiji was not the fear that the Republic would blockade Australia and New Zealand with this, after all, the Republic Navy was still operating in the west of the first island chain at that time, and there was no threat to Australia and New Zealand, and some people even believed that the Republic Navy would never be able to enter the southwest Pacific: but this kind of preventive deployment had a far greater effect than the original intention of the US military in the later array. Don't say anything else. The U.S. military prepared to build the Fiji Islands into a theater force dispatch center, so it built several large military camps that could accommodate up to hundreds of thousands of Navy and Marine Corps officers and soldiers, and thus expanded the throughput capacity of Suva Harbor, and these efforts later became major strategic moves that affected the war situation. It can be said that without these infrastructures, the US military would not have been able to turn the Fiji Islands into the most fortified military fortress in the Pacific, nor would it have been possible to fight the Republican Navy here for many months.

The key to Fiji Islands becoming a military fortress for the US military in the southwest Pacific is still in the next year. After the Battle of Yap, affected by the disastrous defeat of the US Navy, the US authorities made the decision to do their best to lead the Republic to the southwest Pacific Ocean, reduce the pressure on the Hawaiian Islands, and buy sufficient time for the defense of the homeland. In order to achieve this goal, in addition to strengthening the defenses of Australia and New Zealand, the US authorities naturally considered that the Republican ** team was likely to bypass Australia and New Zealand and control the southwest Pacific by blockade and bombing. Affected by this, the US authorities have not only been engaged in the "arms limitation negotiations." According to credible accounts, it is precisely in order to win over the European Union that the United States has put pressure on Russia to make a last-minute wise choice, including the Fiji Islands, in several strategic locations in the southwestern Pacific. Although there is no reason to believe that at the beginning of this year, the US authorities guessed that the Republic would send troops to attack the Fiji Islands, but the Republican ** team has settled in the southwest Pacific in the south, and coupled with the strategic mobilization and preparation of the Republic, it can be easily imagined that if the war in the southwest Pacific breaks out in four years, the Republic is very likely to give up the capture of Australia, or even New Zealand. In this way, Yi Xunshu is concave and different body clams,. One day, you have to get an ancient foot in the southwest Pacific Ocean! Caledonia is the ideal choice, and Vanuatu is the secondary choice, but it is still possible for the authorities of the Republic to make the decision to attack the Fiji Islands for the sake of safety.

It is against this backdrop that the US military has been strengthening the defense deployment of the Fiji Islands since four months.

Thanks to the early construction of infrastructure, it is not difficult for the US military to increase the number of troops in the Fiji Islands. What's more, the Fiji Islands have always been a transit center for U.S. forces in the southwest Pacific, with most of the troops sent to Australia and New Zealand staying here for a short period of time, and some of them undergoing adaptation exercises. Therefore, the US military can use the method of sending more troops and fewer draws to increase the strength of the Fiji Islands in a relatively secretive way, and can even use the name of expanding the training ground to requisition more islands in the Fiji Islands, and there are only more than four inhabited islands, and the larger ones are Viti Levu Island, Vanuamu Island, Kandavu Island, Vanum Balavu Island, Taveuni Island, and Engao Island, so as to expand the scope of defense.

In general, what exactly is the military deployment of the US military in the Fiji Islands, even the Military Intelligence Agency can say no.

In the intelligence provided by the Military Intelligence Agency, it is only roughly mentioned that because before the naval battle of Norfolk, the US military had begun to adjust its defensive deployment in the southwest Pacific and prepare to increase troops to New Zealand, so a large number of troops were affected by the naval battle and were forced to stay in the Fiji Islands, and only a small part reached New Zealand before the naval battle. As for how many US troops there are in the Fiji Islands, the Military Intelligence Agency can only give a rough figure, that is, the old 10,000 to Liwan.

Undoubtedly, such intelligence is certainly not enough to be used as a tactical reference.

The problem is that no one can deny that even with only 10,000 U.S. troops, the Fiji Islands are a veritable military fortress in the southwest Pacific. You must know that on this archipelago with a land area of less than 20,000 square kilometers, there are only more than 40,000 inhabitants, and the density of US troops is more than every square kilometer. Although this is nothing compared to the Mariana Islands, it is considered that the US military has been operating in the southwest Pacific for decades. In particular, the military deployment in the two years of participating in the war, coupled with the experience summed up in the offensive and defensive operations of the Mariana Group, the Fiji Islands, which were guarded by the old 10,000 US troops, are definitely stronger than the Mariana Islands. In fact. The biggest advantage of the Fiji Islands is that it has a strategic circle space, such as Viti Levu Island, which is close to the length of kilometers from east to west and the width of north and south, 4,000 meters, with an area of concave and concave. More than square kilometers, equivalent to one-third of Hainan Island, is twice the force of Guam. Such a large island, in addition to being able to deploy more combat troops, can also allow the US military to build several mutually supportive defense lines, increase the depth of defense, and increase the difficulty of attacking. What's more, Viti Levu is a typical volcanic island, located in the middle of the island, at the elevation of Mount Tomanivi, which is more than 4 times the height of Mount Lanlan in Guam. Take advantage of more complex terrain. The U.S. military is fully capable of causing more trouble for the Republican **.

All in all, the MIA's advice was to find another suitable island.

The problem is that there are only a few large islands in the southwest Pacific that are decent in size and location, and near New Leoredonia, the Fiji Islands are the most suitable.

Arguably, this is also the hardest place to choose.

Before the Battle of Norfolk, the problem was not very prominent, after all, at that time there was no veto of the battle proposal to attack New Zealand, and if it was necessary to send troops to capture New Zealand, there was no need to attack the Fiji Islands. After the Battle of Norfolk. The proposal to attack New Zealand was rejected, and the attack on the Fiji Islands was naturally scheduled. More importantly, decisions must be made as soon as possible, not so that the U.S. military can methodically increase its troops to the Fiji Islands, nor can the defenders on the Fiji Islands be given sufficient time to prepare.

Affected by this, in early February of the fourth year, the High Command of the Republic decided whether to attack the Fiji Islands. and how to attack the Fiji Islands held an enlarged meeting, and many front-line commanders, including Zhang Xuefeng, were qualified to speak. And it has a great influence on the final decision.

As we all know, Zhang has always advocated attacking the Fiji Islands.

In fact, it was the Vice Admiral who first proposed to abandon Australia and New Zealand on a tactical level and go straight to the Fiji Islands.

Although there is enough evidence to prove that before this decision-making meeting of the General Headquarters, Pei Chengyi adjusted the republic's Pacific strategy, put the invasion of Australia and New Zealand in a secondary position, and regarded the invasion of the Hawaiian Islands as an important task for the year, so there is reason to believe that Pei Chengyi has long been aware of the question of whether to attack Fiji and Qunwu, but there are still enough reasons to believe that Zhang Xuefeng's role in this decision-making meeting has become an important factor in promoting the republic's advance into the Fiji Islands.

Affected by this, Zhang Xuefeng's evaluation after the war was also mixed. In February of the year, the authorities of the Republic of China made a formal strategic decision to enter the Fiji Islands, and for this purpose they concentrated the largest fleet in the world at that time, that is, including the first main fleet, the second main fleet, the third air fleet, which was formerly the third fleet, the first amphibious assault fleet group composed of amphibious fleets, the southwest Pacific support fleet group with several fast supply fleets and fast transport fleets, and the "Taiwan Island", "Hainan Island", "Chongming Island", "Taiping Island" and "Kuye Island" At the beginning of the year, the island was controlled by the Army of the Republic, and a fourth-generation maritime base such as an exclusive military administration area was established, and the total tonnage of various combat ships was over. The total tonnage of 10,000 tons of offshore bases is as high as 10,000 tons of gravel. In terms of air power, in addition to the naval air force, which has invested four carrier-based air wings, and the southwest Pacific air force, including one tactical air force and two support air groups, the tactical air force has an average of blade combat aircraft, and the support air force has strong combat aircraft, the space force has also deployed two air groups to Vanuatu and New Caledonia with more than four strategic bombers, and the total number of combat aircraft of various types is close to four. In terms of ground forces, the Marine Corps has invested a total of brigades of combat units, of which the combat units that follow the fleet activities have more brigades, supported by the amphibious fleet, and the other seven brigades are deployed to dump the small Atul and the new Lidonia, which are the six combat units of the campaign reserve, and the combat personnel of the four major services and arms are more than 10,000. Of course, this does not include the near-cut officers and soldiers who are responsible for transportation in the rear.

That is, in order to attack the Fiji Islands. The republic mobilized a million-strong army.

Because the strategic intention of the Republic Navy to enter the Fiji Islands has been exposed, after the Battle of Norfolk, the United States not only brought the defenders on the Fiji Islands into the highest state of combat readiness, but also strengthened the defense deployment in the South Pacific with the Fiji Islands as the core before the old days in February, that is, before the Republican ** team attacked. Although there were not many American troops reinforcing the Fiji Islands at that time. After all, sending additional ground troops to an archipelago with no strategic depth at all will play a very limited role in helping the defense, and if you want to hold the Fiji Islands, you must first consider expanding the depth of defense, that is, deploying offensive combat forces on the islands around the islands, so that the Republican ** team will pay a greater price when attacking the Fiji Islands. But there is reason to believe. The US military has already learned from the experience of defensive operations in the Mariana Islands, and has not concentrated its forces on one point, but has made full use of the geographical characteristics of the dense distribution of islands in the South Pacific to deploy combat units on nearby islands. According to some information obtained after the war, it was within half a kilometer of the center of Viti Levu. About one-third of the islands have U.S. troops, one-third of them have military bases or temporary airfields capable of supporting air force activities, and about one-half of the islands have dock facilities that can support the operations of small ships. At least one of the islands has intelligence centers, and half of them have long-range warning radars. Other words. The U.S. military has made the entire South Pacific an area of operations, and has used regional defense against the powerful Republican Navy.

Compared to the tight defensive deployment, the U.S. Navy has invested too few troops. According to the operational records of the warring parties, during the offensive and defensive battles of the Fiji Islands, the United States Navy deployed several multipurpose destroyers in the southwest Pacific with the largest tonnage, that is, several multipurpose destroyers that served as the flagships of the local fleet, and the main force in the fight with the Republic Navy was tonnage 4. The ocean-going frigate and the small destroyer are two warships built in wartime with the same hull, and the displacement is very similar, but the combat use is different, the ocean-going frigate is equivalent to the anti-submarine frigate specially used by the Navy of the Republic to carry out escort missions, and the small destroyer is a type of warship specially used for sea domination operations. Although the total number of warships invested by the U.S. Navy is not small, there are only four ocean-going frigates and small destroyers that have been sunk and captured by the Republic Navy, and these warships have also had a great impact on the Republic Navy's combat operations against the Fiji Islands. In addition, a group of maritime patrol planes were specially assigned to carry out the task of searching for a small US fleet, thus having a major impact on the deployment and use of other combat forces. However, these investments of the U.S. military did not turn the tide of the war, nor did they prevent the Republican Marines from sweeping the Fiji Islands.

It is undeniable that the Battle of the Fiji Islands was the most tragic battle for the islands during the entire Pacific War.

From a tactical point of view, in the period from February of the following year to the year of the cat, the Navy and Marine Corps of the Republic of China used the heavy price of sinking 10,000 tons of warships and more than 40,000 casualties of more than 40,000 Marine officers and men in exchange for sinking and capturing US warships, killing and wounding more than 10,000 US officers and men, including nearly 30,000 naval officers and men and thousands of air force pilots, and occupying the Fiji Islands. In fact. If we take into account the advantages of sea supremacy, air supremacy and other advantages possessed by the Navy of the Republic, especially the supremacy of information in the later stages of the campaign, coupled with the powerful striking force of the Navy and the support provided by the Space Army during the campaign, the Republican ** team actually suffered a crushing defeat in the battle against the Fiji Islands, and it can be regarded as the most disastrous defeat since the beginning of the war.

Even on a strategic level, the Republic did not have much advantage in the offensive and defensive battles of the Fiji Islands. You must know that before that, excluding the eight months of delay in the "arms limitation talks," it took only one month for the Navy of the Republic of China to advance the battle line from the first island chain to the southwest Pacific, advancing nearly 10,000 kilometers, and in this one month, the Navy of the Republic only advanced the front by a curved kilometer. And in the flank direction, and not in the direction of the main attack. Because in the middle of the year, that is, after the Republican Navy encountered strong resistance from the U.S. military in the Fiji Islands, the Republican authorities made the strategic decision to advance into the Hawaiian Islands.

As a result, many people believe that attacking the Fiji Islands was a wrong strategic decision.

At the time, some people even believed that it was precisely because the attack on the Fiji Islands took up too many military resources, such as allowing the Sky Army's strategic bombers to support the front-line combat units, which had an impact on the bombing of Australia and New Zealand, and also had a negative impact on the eventual control of the southwest Pacific region and the shift of focus to the central Pacific Ocean, that is, the invasion of the Hawaiian Islands.

All in all, many people after the war believed. Zhang Xuefeng's influence at that time led the Republic astray.

There is no doubt that we must not only look at the bad side, but also see the good side.

Let's admit it. The offensive and defensive battles in the Fiji Islands also dragged down a large number of US combat forces. In addition, in order to defend the Fiji Islands, during this period, the US Navy built about 10,000 tons of small ships more than planned, and if these construction capabilities were used on large warships, it would be enough to build a main fleet. In the same way, the U.S. military consumes no less war materials in the South Pacific than the Republican Army. Affected by the offensive and defensive battles in the Fiji Islands, the US military also had to make adjustments to its military deployment in adjacent theaters, such as deploying combat forces that were originally supposed to be sent to the Hawaiian Islands to Christmas Island to consolidate the southern defense line of the Hawaiian Islands.

In a sense, it can even be argued that it was the offensive and defensive war of the Fiji Islands that made the authorities of the Republic make a strategic decision to attack the Hawaiian Islands in advance, thus having a major impact on the development of the Pacific War. In fact, this point has long been recognized by many war historians.

In any case, judging from the battlefield situation in Tian Nian, the attack on the Fiji Islands did indeed have a snake and a snake

Although at the time of the development of strategic plans. The main reason for the Republican authorities' decision to attack the Fiji Islands was to strengthen their presence in the south-west Pacific and to provide the basis for the subsequent strategic bombing of Australia and New Zealand, which proved to be the most ideal means of attacking Australia and New Zealand. But when the top of the republic is measuring the situation. Too much consideration has been given to the initiative of the European Union, i.e., the possibility that the European Union may turn to the United States when the war situation gets out of control. Fundamentally, the EU's attitude is determined by the overall strategic direction, not by the battles on a particular battlefield. To put it simply, as long as the republic is in a position of superiority in overall strategy. And step by step towards victory. The European Union will not be able to defect to the United States, and France will not be able to make a fuss about New Leolidonia and Vanuatu. In fact, on this point, the authorities of the Republic have a similar understanding, for example, the Republic Army's millions of troops deployed in Russia and the Middle East are a kind of strategic defense, with the aim of launching a strategic offensive when the EU is countering the water. In this way, in the Pacific theater. The Republican Marines have already been stationed in New Caledonia and Vanuatu, and even if the EU turns against the water and France wants to make a little name, the Republican Marines can control New Caledonia and Vanuatu. In other words, there is no reason for the Republic, whether from a political or military point of view, to spend millions of troops and months of precious time on the Fiji Islands.

Thankfully. This is the year of the field, not the year of the year.

Thanks to the skyrocketing power of the country's war. Although mistakes were made in some aspects, and they were relatively low-level mistakes. But the combat operations of the republic were not greatly affected, especially at the strategic level, as long as the goal of depleting the war strength of the United States could be achieved, it would not be a complete defeat.

It is precisely because of this that many people believe that Pei Chengyi's decision to attack the Fiji Islands at the beginning of the year is not to say how important this archipelago is. Rather, it wanted to consume the living forces of the U.S. military here and provide support for a frontal offensive in the Pacific theater, that is, an attack on the Hawaiian Islands. Imagine a decisive battle with the U.S. military in the middle of the Pacific instead of pinning it down in the South Pacific and forcing the U.S. military to deploy a new strategic line of defense south of the Hawaiian Islands. How much does it cost the republic? More importantly, with the end of the Continental War with the surrender of Russia, the problem of the republic's surplus of troops has surfaced, whether it is the consumption of the Marine Corps, the army, or the navy, it will always invest heavy troops in a certain direction to solve the problem of excess troops.

To put it more bluntly, with the war strength of the Republic in the field years, the focus is no longer on how to improve the combat efficiency of the troops, that is, how to achieve the greatest results with the least number of troops, but how to strive for greater results, that is, to reduce the combat efficiency of the army when necessary.

At this time, looking at the strategic layout of the Republic in the entire Pacific Ocean, it is not difficult to see that attacking the Fiji Islands is indeed an expedient measure, which not only lengthens the battle line, but also allows the Republican ** team to gain more opportunities to attack, but also consumes a lot of troops, and even loses a lot of officers and soldiers because of it. Generally. There is no absolute right or wrong in this strategic decision-making. There are always good and bad sides, and the key is to see which side plays a major role.

The invasion of Hawaii, which began at the beginning of the early years, was much more important than the attack on the Fiji Islands.

As mentioned earlier, as Australia and New Zealand ceased to be a threat to the Republic and could render the U.S. military presence in the Southwest Pacific meaningless without an invasion, the Republican authorities adjusted their strategy. The advance on the Hawaiian Islands was determined to be the main direction of attack in the Pacific theater. Obviously, it will be more difficult to advance into the Hawaiian Islands than to attack Australia.

Strategically speaking, there is only one reason why the United States has failed in the Southwest Pacific. That is, too long a strategic supply line. Although more than four years ago in the Second World War. The United States held off the Japanese in Australia. However, the key to the victory of the United States at that time was not to have military superiority, but to offset other disadvantages with strong industrial superiority, coupled with some low-level mistakes made by the Japanese army, it was naturally easy to win. Compared to the republics, the United States has essentially no industrial advantage. Therefore, the strategic disadvantage is very prominent. It can be said that as long as the Republic is determined, even if it sends troops to attack Australia, it will not be an impossible task.

The biggest advantage of the Hawaiian Islands over Australia is that it is backed by the mainland.

To put it bluntly, the 3-kilometer transportation line from Los Angeles to Honolulu is much easier and more convenient than the logistics supply line from Los Angeles to Sydney. The fact that the same fleet was able to make four round-trip trips between Los Angeles and Honolulu in the time it took to make a round trip from Los Angeles to Sydney was decided. It is much less difficult for the U.S. military to defend the Hawaiian Islands than it is to defend Australia.

Of course, the Hawaiian Islands also have a very obvious geographical advantage, that is, in the square circle. Within a kilometer of Liekou, except for Midway Island to the west, in terms of geographical location and geological composition. It is the westernmost island of the Hawaiian archipelago and there are few decent islands outside of Wake Island. What's more, Midway and Wake Island are actually two small islands with very limited size and no fresh water resources. As a result, the Republican Navy wanted to attack the Hawaiian Islands. In addition to using Midway and Wake Island as springboards, you still have to go out of the Mariana Islands. The logistics support line is 4,000 kilometers long, and if it comes out of the Ryukyu Islands, it is even more than the old curved kilometers, which is two to three times that of the US military. Even if we do not take into account the situation of front-line operations, the logistical support force alone will need to be invested two to three times more.

As a result of these factors, the authorities of the Republic have been hesitant to enter the Hawaiian Islands as to whether and how to do so. To be exact. The main reason why the authorities of the Republic did not advance into the Hawaiian Islands before 2 years ago was that there was no suitable means of attack.

With the issue resolved by the middle of the year, the march into the Hawaiian Islands was no longer a matter of paper.