Chapter 612: The War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in Songhu Chiang Kai-shek's Choice (1)

Chapter 612: The War of Resistance Against Songhu, Chiang Kai-shek's Choice (1)

Although the Zhabei battlefield fell into a brief silence. But these ten hours of fighting shook the whole world like a great earthquake.

Just like after the nine-magnitude earthquake in Japan, everyone paid attention to Tokyo, and at this moment, in the face of Japanese aggression, everyone is also paying attention to how the Nanjing government will play its cards in the future.

At this time, in the center of Nanjing, Chiang Kai-shek had just finished playing a good show of the return of the king.

On January 28, Chiang Kai-shek, a commoner, presided over the Provisional Central Political Council of the Kuomintang in his capacity as a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang, appointed Wang Ching-wei as the premier of the Executive Yuan, and Luo Wengan succeeded him as foreign minister.

Who would have thought that Chiang Kai-shek, who was forced to go into the opposition in the face of the joint opposition of various factions in the party, would regain control of the center after just one month, with a speed that is dizzying. There is no precedent in the world for appointing a head of government as a civilian.

On this day, in the internal struggle, Chiang Kai-shek was at ease and won a great victory. But on this day, Chiang Kai-shek was beaten by the Japanese in a solid manner. In the middle of the night, Chiang Kai-shek, who was still immersed in the joy of victory, was urgently woken up, and Lin Wei told him that the Japanese army in Shanghai had launched an attack.

Chiang Kai-shek never expected that he had accepted the ultimatum of the Japanese, but the Japanese were still struggling with each other!

Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary that night: "I have heard that yesterday's request for the Japanese consulate in Shanghai has been acknowledged, and he has also satisfied, and said that the troops will be withdrawn in the evening, and there will be a conflict even at midnight."

Since the opponent completely ignored his weakness and obeyed, and had to make an inch, Chiang Kai-shek had to make a choice.

At the enlarged meeting of the Central Standing Committee in the afternoon, there was endless debate on whether or not to wage a war of resistance against Japan, because Chiang Kai-shek did not express his position, and in the end, the debate was naturally fruitless. However, Yang Yongtai's proposal to move the capital to Luoyang was approved by Chiang Kai-shek.

In the evening, the news that the British and American consuls came forward to demand a ceasefire and mediation, as well as the great victory of the 19th Route Army, caused an uproar in Nanjing, and the voices advocating the war of resistance rose again.

At 9 o'clock in the evening, Chiang Kai-shek had no choice but to summon Wang Jingwei, the new premier, He Yingqin, minister of military affairs, Chen Lifu, director of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, Yang Yongtai, secretary general of the Military Commission, Song Ziwen, vice president of the Executive Yuan and minister of finance, Zhang Zhizhong, director of education of the Central Army Military Academy and concurrently commander of the Second Teaching Division, Lin Wei, director of the General Staff Office of the Central Military Commission, and He Chengjun, chairman of the Hubei Provincial Government and head of the Wuhan camp, who had arrived in Nanjing only in the afternoon, to his official residence to discuss a decision on Japan.

The fact that the Nineteenth Route Army was able to defeat thousands of Japanese marines in Shanghai and almost drive all the Japanese troops into the sea made these people feel both surprised and excited. It's just that these people have been in the political arena for many years, and the city government is very deep, not to mention in Chiang Kai-shek's study, so there is no expression on their faces, only Song Ziwen's excitement is indescribable, and he does not hide his joy.

However, everyone knows that Song Ziwen does have this capital. He is not only Chiang Kai-shek's eldest brother, but before following Chiang Kai-shek into the field this time, he ruthlessly put Sun Ke together in the Ministry of Finance, forcing Sun Ke, the dignified premier, to step down after a month, so that Chiang Kai-shek returned to the pinnacle of power.

After pouring tea for everyone and withdrawing, Chiang Kai-shek said slowly with an expressionless face and his characteristic speed of speech: "The Nineteenth Route Army has won a great victory and almost driven the Japanese into the sea, and you must already know this news." ”

Seeing that everyone was silent and looked aware, Chiang Kai-shek continued: "Since you all know, I won't go into detail about this matter. However, there is one thing you don't know yet, the news of Zhabei's victory was sent to various places by the newspaper office in Shanghai before six o'clock. This news will be reported tomorrow, and the people of the whole country will know about it. The fastest movement was in Taiyuan, where the Northern Morning Post not only issued an issue before seven o'clock, but tens of thousands of students marched on the streets to celebrate the victory. ”…,

Chiang Kai-shek paused for a moment and then said: "The news of the great victory has not only inspired the people, but also the generals everywhere. We must now make a choice between war and peace with Japan, and this is the purpose for which we invite you to come today. ”

Chiang Kai-shek stopped talking and gestured to Lin Wei with his eyes.

Although Lin Wei is the director of the Second Department of the Military Commission, since the Central Plains War, he absorbed the Northwest Army and other miscellaneous troops in Henan, because of the correct handling, he has won the attention of Chiang Kai-shek, and now Lin Wei is almost Chiang Kai-shek's chief of staff in the military. Telegrams sent to Chiang Kai-shek, with the exception of a few special ones, were generally signed by him.

Lin Wei sat up straight, opened the folder in his hand, and read out the telegrams sent to Chiang Kai-shek one by one.

Feng Yuxiang telegraphed: "...... Since the day of 918, I have said that it is necessary to resist Japan, and it is necessary to regain lost territory, and whoever obstructs the resistance against Japan is a traitor. I think not only the chairman, but everyone has also heard what I said, and today I will say again, that is, Chen Mingshu, Cai Tingkai and other generals of the 19th Route Army are desperately killing the enemy there, why are they like this? They are here to save the country and the people. If we don't hurry up and decide to send the majority of the army to help them, it will be a harm to the country and the people, and that is to give away the lives of the officers and men of the 19th Route Army......

Sun Ke, Li Zongren, Liu Luyin, Cheng Qian, Zhang Fakui, Chen Youren and other members of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, who were not in Beijing, telegraphed: "...... At this time, the government should make up its mind to resist, rather than be broken, and make a quick decision to mobilize troops and reinforce Shanghai. ”

Sun Ke, Li Zongren and others also put forward four propositions for the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression: "First, decide on the policy of complete resistance and no longer wander, that is, declare that the people of the country will make every effort to resist the insult; 2. Concentrate the army, navy, and air forces to hold on to Shanghai and provide full assistance to the 19th Route Army; 3. Order the northern armies to take the opportunity to counterattack the enemy and recover the lost territory; Fourth, all non-Japanese troops should be withdrawn, and negotiations should be made immediately, and the Shanghai issue should be resolved at the same time as the issue of the three eastern provinces. ”

Hu Hanmin, a Cantonese leader in Hong Kong and a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee, also put forward four proposals on the current situation similar to those of Sun Ke, Li Zongren and others: "1. In response to the war in Shanghai, we must expel the violent Japanese from Shanghai; 2. Revoke the order to disband the local volunteer army, and earnestly organize the people to become the backbone of the anti-Japanese resistance; 3. Quickly mobilize the anti-Japanese army as a strong force to recover the lost territory in the northeast; Fourth, it is necessary to strictly prepare the coastal provinces for war and defense, and truly plan for long-term resistance. Diplomacy, at least, should also confirm that the Northeast and Shanghai cases are the whole issue, and that there will be no negotiations until Japan withdraws from Shanghai. ”

Song Zhewu, commander-in-chief of the Northern Frontier Defense, Yan Xishan, director of the Jin Sui Pacification Office, Han Fuqu, chairman of Shandong Province, Jiang Dingwen, commander-in-chief of the Fourth Army, Xu Yuanquan, superintendent of Qingxiang in the Hubei-Henan-Shaanxi Border Region, Lu Diping, commander-in-chief of the Ninth Route Army, Sun Dianying, commander of the 41st Army, He Jian, commander-in-chief of the Fourth Route Army, Sun Lianzhong, commander-in-chief of the 26th Route Army, Zhang Fakui, commander of the Fourth Army, Yu Hanmou, commander of the First Army, Zhang Fang, commander-in-chief of the 20th Route Army, and Tang Shaoyi, Deng Zeru, Chen Jitang, and Bai Chongxi, members of the Central Executive Committee. There were even more than 30 generals of the Central Army in Nanchang led by Zhu Shaoliang, director of the Jiangxi Sui Administration, who was "suppressing the Communists" in Jiangxi, to call Chiang Kai-shek and ask him to be insulted.

In addition, there are also many well-known people in the civil society to promote the war, such as Zhu Qinglan, Du Yuesheng and others.

This Zhu Qinglan is not simple. Zhu Qinglan Ziqiao, a native of Shaoxing.

In 1909, the first year of Xuantong of the Qing Dynasty, Zhao Erxun was transferred to the governor of Sichuan, and Zhu Qinglan entered Sichuan with him, and served as the Sichuan patrol police. Wuchang Uprising, in response to the revolution, declared the independence of Sichuan, and was promoted to the deputy governor of the Sichuan Han Military Government. …,

In the first year of the Republic of China, he served as the chief of staff of the Heilongjiang Governor's Office, and in 1912, he was hired by Yuan Shikai as a military adviser to the provisional president. After October 1913, he was reappointed as the Protector Envoy and the Acting Chief of Civil Affairs, the Patrol Envoy, and the General of Heilongjiang Province.

In the 5th year of the Republic of China, he was appointed by Duan Qirui as the chairman of Guangdong Province. In July, he concurrently served as the commander of the Guangdong New Army. Zhang Xun was restored, Zhu Qinglan first sent a telegram to denounce, responded to Sun Yat-sen's idea of "protecting the law", telegraphed Sun Yat-sen to come to Guangdong to preside over the plan, and allocated 20 battalions from the provincial chairman's guard army to be reorganized into Sun Yat-sen's French protection army.

Duan Qirui was greatly dissatisfied with this, and transferred Zhu Qinglan to Guangxi.

In the 11th year of the Republic of China, at the invitation of Zhang Zuolin, he returned to the Northeast and served as the chief executive of the Northeast Special Administrative Region and the commander-in-chief of the Eastern Railway Escort Army. During his tenure, he actively safeguarded national sovereignty and recovered all the more than 1 million mu of land occupied by the Russians along the railway.

In the 14th year of the Republic of China, he resigned and returned to Shanghai. Since then, he has been engaged in charity relief and anti-Japanese relief for a long time, and has successively served as the president of the North China Charity Federation, the chairman of the Yellow River Water Conservancy Committee, and the chairman of the Relief Committee of the National Government.

"Nine? After the "18" incident, he actively contacted people from all walks of life, organized the Liaoji Black Fever People's Anti-Japanese Support Association, served as its president, and actively raised funds to support the Northeast Volunteer Army. This time, the Japanese army attacked Zhabei and raised donations at home and abroad to organize propaganda, medical treatment, transportation and other work for the 19th Route Army.

In the current domestic and foreign capital has a very high history and great fame.

This time, he, Huang Yanpei and others called Chiang Kai-shek to call for backup for the 19th Route Army that was alone in Shanghai.

Zhu Qinglan's message is as follows:

"The Japanese army was defeated in the Shanghai War, and everyone rejoiced, but when we heard that the Japanese reinforcements were about to arrive in Shanghai, our army urgently needed reinforcements......"

While actively supporting the front, Du Yuesheng was very uneasy about the situation that the Nationalist Government had no reinforcements to rush to help. As a member of the board of directors of the Shanghai Citizens' Local Maintenance Association, together with Chairman Shi Liangcai, Vice President Wang Xiaolai, and directors Yu Qiaqing, Zhang Xiaolin, and Liu Hongsheng, in the name of the Association and individuals, they sent a very urgent telegram to Lin Sen, Chiang Kai-shek, and Wang Jingwei, chairmen of the Nationalist Government:

“…… After the government ordered all armies to resist, what methods did it have to help the lone army in Shanghai? Shanghai's three million citizens are now on the verge of despair. If there is no Shanghai, there will be no country, and if we ignore the 19th Route Army, how can we abandon our three million citizens? If the country loses this economic center, how will it be self-reliant in the future? ”……

After Lin Wei finished reading the telegram, Chiang Kai-shek frowned slightly imperceptibly, picked up the glass on the table, took a sip of boiled water, and said slowly in a heavy tone: "The will of the army and the will of the people cannot be violated, you all tell me, what should we do now?" ”

In the past, at such a time, He Yingqin always spoke first, and then everyone spoke, but today it was a little different, because Wang Jingwei was present. For the first time since 27, they sat in the same room with Wang Jingwei for discussion, and everyone was not used to it. Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek's voice lagged behind for a long time, and no one spoke out.

In terms of position, Wang Ching-wei was under Chiang Kai-shek alone, at least nominally. In terms of qualifications, he Wang Jingwei has no opponents in China, he doesn't speak, and it is indeed difficult for others to speak first.

Wang Jingwei also realized this, and was silent for a while before speaking: "The chairman said it well! The hearts of the army and the people are available, and I support the war of resistance in Shanghai......

!d@T——

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