The reason why Ma Hongkui's 31st Division was transferred to Ningxia was because when Ma Hongkui was encircling and suppressing the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Red Army, his 31st Division preserved its strength and did not contribute to the work. This made Chiang Kai-shek very angry, and Chiang Kai-shek was even ready to ask Liu Zhi to disarm the 31st Division by force.

is still Ma Hongkui's father, then chairman of Anhui Province and chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan Committee, Ma Fuxiang, who campaigned for Chiang Kai-shek in many ways in the Central Plains War and rebelled against many Northwest Army troops. He expressed his willingness to resign from all positions and atone for the sins of this unfilial son.

Chiang Kai-shek saw that Ma Fuxiang had done his best in the past few years, so he opened up and dismissed Ma Fuxiang from the post of chairman of the Anhui Provincial Political Axe and transferred him to the National Political Axe Committee. At the same time, it was agreed to transfer Ma Hongkui to Ningxia.

However, he did not allow Ma Hongkui to take all the 31st Division away, but only let him take two regiments to the post of chairman of Ningxia Province.

As for Gao Guizi's transfer to Yulin, there is also a reason for it.

After the Central Plains War, Gao Guizi, who ran to the southeast of Shanxi Province, was reorganized by Gu Xiong, secretary of the Military Commission of the Shanxi Special Commission, and pulled this brigade to Fuping in the Taihang Mountains to form the 24th Army of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army.

Chiang Kai-shek was worried that Gao Guizi's troops would mutiny in Shanxi because they would be bewitched by the Communists again, and at the same time, he also wanted to have a force in Shaanxi that could "wrestle hands" with Yang Hucheng, so he took the opportunity to transfer Gao Guizi, who was also from Shaanxi, away.

It's just that because of the appearance of Song Zhewu, the end of the Central Plains War was slightly advanced, resulting in Ma Hongkui's appointment as chairman of Ningxia Province a few months earlier than in real history.

Foreign Minister Wang Zhengting also confidently announced that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had submitted the Soviet invasion to the arbitration of the League of Nations, which was established after World War I to safeguard peace and mediate international disputes, and believed that the League of Nations would certainly intervene in the Soviet Union's invasion of China.

However, Nanjing's statements could not be fully recognized by the people in China, and although a considerable part of public opinion began to express dissatisfaction with Wang Jingwei's behavior of organizing a rebellion in Liangguang and splitting the political axe, there were still media who accused Nanjing of the political axe of passively resisting the war.

In order to reverse this unfavorable situation, Wang Jingwei personally came forward and said when he met with student representatives and media reporters in Guangzhou: "Any political axe representing the Republic of China should actively support Song Zhewu and his Fourth Route Army and resolutely resist the invasion of the Soviet Union. If the Central Army is willing to go north to resist the Soviet Union, he will order the political axe troops in Guangzhou to stop going north, and promise that they will never go out of the two Guangzhous. If Chiang Kai-shek is willing to go into the wilderness, he will immediately gather the forces of all factions in the country and go north to Mongolia to participate in the war. ’

Wang Jingwei also called for fundraising for the Fourth Route Army, and he himself pledged 10,000 oceans on the spot.

In addition, Feng Yuxiang, who was studying in Mount Tai, was not willing to be lonely, and also ran out at this time to cause chaos for Chiang Kai-shek.

Feng Yuxiang, who hated Han Fuyu's betrayal back then, never went to Han Fuyu after he arrived in Shandong, and even Jinan City did not go very often. However, this time, Feng Yuxiang went down to Jinan to hold a press conference for Chinese and foreign media, condemning the Soviet Union's invasion of Northern Mongolia and demanding that the political axe send troops north to resist the enemy. He also said that if Nanjing political axe and political axe are unable to send reinforcements to the north, he is willing to come forward to form a reinforcement force to aid Mongolia, coordinate the war against the Soviet Union in Northern Mongolia, and do not need to pay a penny from the political axe.

Let Feng Yuxiang reorganize the troops and take over the military again, and Chiang Kai-shek will not agree to this matter. In Chiang Kai-shek's view, Feng Yuxiang was not only extremely ambitious and bold, but also had a strong appeal. If Feng Yuxiang was allowed to raise troops, Chiang Kai-shek absolutely believed that Feng Yuxiang would build up another Northwest Army in a very short period of time, and then the situation that had just been stable in the north would inevitably collapse.

Feng Yuxiang, the tiger, he will never and dare not release the cage.

Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek secretly instructed the Shandong Provincial Party Department to closely monitor Feng Yuxiang's every move, and even take extraordinary measures if necessary. At the same time, Han Fuyu, who had lingering fears about Feng Yuxiang, was instructed to strengthen the "protection" of Feng Yuxiang, so as not to be bewitched by the villain.

However, Feng Yuxiang's remarks still caused huge repercussions at home and abroad, and the students in Tianjin even shouted the slogan for Feng Yuxiang to reorganize the Northwest Army. This annoyed Chiang Kai-shek.

In addition, Zhang Xueliang, Han Fuyu, Li Zongren, Liu Wenhui, Liu Xiang, and Yang Hucheng also telegraphed to express their support for Song Zhewu's resistance to the Soviet Union.

Yang Hucheng even said in a telegram that if the war situation requires, he is willing to personally lead the entire 17th Route Army to Northern Mongolia to participate in the War of Resistance.

Chiang Kai-shek was very happy to see Yang Hucheng leave Shaanxi. It's just that now one of his students, Liu Zhidan, is leading the Red 26th Army in northern Shaanxi and is making a lot of trouble, and once Yang Hucheng's department is transferred, I am afraid that the situation in northern Shaanxi will soon erode away.

On the third day of the Soviet invasion of Northern Mongolia, he personally wrote an article and published in the "Northern Morning Post" the telegram of "An Inch of Mountains and Rivers, an Inch of Blood, Swearing to Defend the Sacred Territory of the Republic of China -- Northern Mongolia."

Song Zhewu said in the telegram that although the Fourth Route Army was still very weak compared with the Soviet Army, which was armed to the teeth, it was willing to fight to the death in order not to trample on the dignity of the national sovereignty of the Republic of China and not to infringe on the integrity of the sacred territory. As long as the Soviet Army still occupies an inch of the territory of the Republic of China, the Fourth Route Army will never retreat, even if every inch of the land of Northern Mongolia is stained red by the blood of the officers and men of the Fourth Route Army. As long as the Soviet army still occupies an inch of the country, the entire Fourth Route Army will fight the invaders to the end, and they will never die!

Song Zhewu's ionization caused strong resonance and support in China, and a vigorous campaign was set off across the country to support the Fourth Route Army to resist the Soviet invasion, and student organizations in major cities raised funds to support the Fourth Route Army.

The upsurge of young students enthusiastically joining the army also appeared, and the supplies from various places to support the Fourth Route Army and the young students who went to Taiyuan to join the army crowded the Jingpu Road and the Pinghan Line to the brim.

Compared with the anti-Soviet upsurge from all walks of life across the country, the attitude of the Nanjing Nationalist Axe was relatively much more insipid, which made the dissatisfaction and pressure of public opinion on the Nanjing Nationalist Axe never completely disappear.

In the face of pressure, Nanjing Zhengaxe once again said that in addition to actively asking the League of Nations to intervene in the invasion of the Soviet army, it would also give more support to the Fourth Route Army in terms of weapons, ammunition and other military supplies, and allocate an additional 2 million military expenses to the Fourth Route Army.

These days, Chiang Kai-shek has felt more and more pressure from inside and outside the party, and Chiang Kai-shek's mood has become more and more restless.

At this time, Song Zhewu's telegram arrived in time, which made Chiang Kai-shek extremely happy.

The more tense the war in Northern Mongolia, the greater the pressure of public opinion on him. And the more stable the war in Northern Mongolia, the less pressure he will have, and he can calmly deal with Wang Jingwei, Chen Jitang, Li Zongren and others.

This victory, for ordinary people and students who are not familiar with the world, will undoubtedly make them feel optimistic about the war in Northern Mongolia, and their pressure on the political axe will naturally be reduced a lot, which can give him a little breather.

Although Chiang Kai-shek, who was proficient in military affairs, knew very well that such a small victory would have little impact on the final victory or defeat of the Northern Mongolian War. He even thought that the victory effect that made him feel a little lighter must have been extremely short-lived. Because he didn't think that Song Zhewu and his Fourth Route Army could resist the frantic attack of hundreds of thousands of Soviet Russian troops who came prepared.

In Chiang Kai-shek's view, the defeat of Northern Mongolia was inevitable, and even if he increased his troops to Northern Mongolia, it would be the same result. Because, the current national strength and domestic environment are not equipped with the conditions for defeating the Soviet army.

Now, there are not only [***] who are closely related to Soviet Russia and many party political enemies who are eyeing him Jiang Zhongzheng, but also the Northeast issue that worries him the most, where he himself is also ready to move. All this could not have allowed him to send a large number of troops north to fight in Mongolia. What's more, Northern Mongolia is much farther away than the Northeast, and the purpose of Soviet Russia is only limited to the bitter cold place in the distant Northern Mongolia.

But this small victory was still very useful, after all, it gave him time to breathe. Because of the Hu Hanmin incident and Wang Ching-wei's establishment of another political axe in Guangzhou, Chiang Kai-shek was under unprecedented pressure within the Kuomintang.

Chiang Kai-shek needed time now, and he believed that as long as he was given enough time, after he had solved the political axe in Canton, his position in the party would be consolidated as never before, and he would have the capital to calmly face external pressure. Therefore, he will not let go of this victory easily.

Sure enough, as soon as this "great victory" was published in the "Central Daily," it immediately aroused tremendous repercussions in all circles in China, and the people were extremely optimistic about the victory over the Soviet invasion, and students from all over the country held huge marches to celebrate the great victory in Northern Mongolia, and the title of national hero was once again worn on Song Zhewu's head.

For a time, whether it was street talk or newspaper articles, they were all full of praise for Song Zhewu, and the people and public opinion shifted from suppressing the political axe to resisting the war of resistance to supporting Song Zhewu's war of resistance.

In addition, there was another thing that also helped Chiang Kai-shek to relieve his worries.

On the same day that Song Zhewu reported the results of the battle, after the Soviet troops crossed the Tangnu Wuliang Mountain, the Shanghai Provisional Central Committee of the ZG, headed by Bo G, issued a telegram entitled "Resolutely Support the Struggle of All Ethnic Minorities in China for National Autonomy and Against the Oppression of Imperialism and Its Lackeys."

This telegram apparently drew lessons from the last "Middle Road Incident", in which ZG explicitly called for armed defense of the Soviet Union, and did not mention a single word about the Soviet Union throughout the telegram. However, the meaning of the electrification is still very clear, of course, all ethnic groups include Mongolians, and support for ethnic autonomy also includes support for Mongolian autonomy, which is to support the puppet Mongolian Republic in the Soviet Union, and of course to support the Soviet Union. Moreover, autonomy and readability are often difficult to distinguish exactly what they mean.

(To be continued)