When the plane landed at Gigi airport. 【】Pei Chengyi turned to the point where he had a call with the Heavenly Army

Because many of the cutting-edge scientific research projects of the Physics Experiment Center are related to the Space Army. Moreover, as mentioned earlier, the Celestial Army is the most beneficiary of the third military reform, so Pei Chengyi did not pay special attention to the construction of the Celestial Army, and he did not need to spend much time on it.

In any case, the Celestial Army does not yet possess combat capability in the true sense of the word.

What's more, even if the Celestial Army has genuine combat effectiveness, it will not be useful. The address of this site has been changed to: Eliminate the heart, delete please log in to read!

As early as the end of the Japanese era, shortly after the end of the war in Japan, when the Republic and the United States joined forces to promote the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, the two major powers took the lead in signing an open international treaty, the "International Complimentary Demilitarization of Outer Space". Although this blatant practical binding force is very limited, for example, the so-called "demilitarization" refers only to offensive military deployments against other countries, and not to defensive military deployments to protect one's own country, the treaty clarifies a very important concept that an attack on military installations in space is tantamount to an attack on national territory. In other words, if the republic attacks the US military satellites in the middle of the war, it is equivalent to attacking the US homeland and is equivalent to declaring war on the United States.

Although in practice, both China and the United States have intentionally or unintentionally trampled on this international flagrant. For example, in the Indian War, the Republic used low-power lasers to make several U.S. military reconnaissance satellites ineffective when passing over India. Another example is that during the Falklands War, the United States also managed to make it impossible for several military reconnaissance satellites of the Republic to work normally over the South Atlantic. But such destruction, which does not cause permanent damage, leaves little evidence and cannot be used as a justification for war between major powers. In other words, this is the bottom line for attacking military targets in space, and beyond this bottom line, even if the two sides are unwilling to fight, they will be limited by the treaty and have to formally declare war.

More importantly, the London Treaty clearly states that military objectives in space are "strategic objectives". This provision, which was added at the request of Russia, is actually to use the Treaty of London to prevent the Republic and the United States from dominating the world, or to make the Republic and the United States somewhat restrained. The reason is very simple: in modern warfare, the key to victory is to seize the commanding heights, which means that you have to paralyze the opponent's military satellite system; With space targets protected by international treaties, unless the Republic and the United States intend to engage head-on, they will have to be counterproductive in dealing with regional wars, thus providing an opportunity for a quasi-power like Russia to put on a show.

It can be said that from the very beginning, Pei Chengyi did not consider the Heavenly Army.

In fact, because the Celestial Army is a quasi-strategic force, Pei Chengyi has no chance to command the Celestial Army.

When he came to Gwadar Port, Pei Chengyi learned that Yuan Chenhao had already arranged the affairs of the Joint Command and took a special plane to Tehran a few hours before his arrival. Although in the words of the staff officer in charge of receiving Pei Chengyi, the commander of the theater rushed to Tehran in advance at the strong request of the Iranian authorities, Pei Chengyi knew that Yuan Chenhao could not wait for a few hours, mainly because he did not want to clash with the joint command. This somewhat made Pei Chengyi a little unhappy, no matter what, Gwadar Port is the nest that Yuan Chenhao has worked hard to operate for many years.

In the next few days, Pei Chengyi has been busy dealing with the specific issues of forming a joint command.

Until the first day of the month. Pei Chengyi just received a call from Li Cunxun.

The second round of negotiations on the Kurdish issue has broken down, and although the republic has made concessions on the more crucial issue, namely, the distribution of the administration of the special autonomous regions according to the number of Kurds in the territory, so that Turkey will be divided into general administration, Iraq as the end, Iran as the thugs, Syria as Anhui, and Armenia as the court, but the United States has not been in the other case. Concessions on the key issue, that is, to allow the five countries to participate in the negotiations at that time. The reason for the resolute refusal of the United States to make concessions is also very simple: according to the solution proposed by the republic, even if it unites Armenia, Turkey will only have the decision-making power to covet it, while the three countries closely related to the republic will have the decision-making power, which is equivalent to handing over the control of the special autonomous region to the republic, thus giving the republic a foothold. Other solutions are not out of the question, such as excluding Syria and Armenia and bringing the three main parties to the negotiations. The problem is that such a solution would not be beneficial to the United States or Turkey, so there is no possibility that Emben will adopt it.

Although the US authorities did not refuse to hold a third round of negotiations, the US negotiators made it clear when they left Beijing. The precondition for the third round of negotiations is "dialogue on an equal footing", i.e. on the condition that the three parties are invited, and that Turkey should at least have the right to speak.

There is no doubt that the third round of negotiations is very likely to be a difficult birth.

In the words of Li Cunxun. Even if the third round of negotiations can be held, the three main parties will not be involved, and the Republic and the United States will still compete on "equality", that is, whether to distribute the right to speak according to the number of people or according to the negotiators. This difference will determine the ultimate ownership of the Special Autonomous Region. Therefore, both sides will not give in easily, and in the end, it will be to waste the last bit of peace at the negotiating table.

The next day, the Military Intelligence Agency came with the exact news.

Yuan Chenhao has already reached an agreement with the Iranian authorities in Tehran on the formation of an Eastern Front Command, and in addition to the military staff officers provided by the Republic, the Iranian Defense Forces and the Revolutionary Guard Corps will also send the Fourth Commander

In other words, the military command is in the hands of the Republic, Yuan Chenhao is the commander of the Eastern Front Command, the chief of staff of the three Iranian armed forces is the deputy commander, the commander of the Revolutionary Guards is the chief of staff, and the military decision-making group is composed of the republic's staff officers and Iran's eight staff officers.

In general, Iran's problems are not big.

In the words mentioned by Liu Xiaobin in the intelligence, because Ahmadinejad and Hash are completely consistent in their views on war, both believe that war is inevitable and Iran must win in the war, so in terms of military decision-making, both believe that the only way to win this war is to rely on the republic. Although on the more important question, i.e., which direction Iran should go after the end of the war, Ahmadinejad and Hasheng's views are diametrically opposed! But that's not a problem, and there is no reason for the two to part ways before the end of the war.

This is very good news, without a doubt.

Again, this is a very big problem.

According to the agreement reached between Yuan Chenhao and the Iranian authorities in Tehran, as a precondition for Iran's entry into the war, the republic must guarantee Iran's strategic security, that is, at least ensure that the Iranian regime will not be overthrown by enemy countries. In terms of specific measures, the Republic is not allowed to deploy a single combat unit to Iran within a few hours after the outbreak of war at the latest, and it will send a ground force of about 20,000 men to Iran. As a reciprocal condition, Iran will prepare three military camps within the time of the war alert from the Republic, and provide all facilities for the Republican ** team stationed in Iran.

Although the agreement places high demands on the MIA, that is, the MIA must at least strike accurate war alerts in advance. But it was the republic's military transport capabilities that were really put to the test.

Liu Xiaobin was in a hurry to tell Pei Chengyi the news, also for this matter.

There are two main ways for ground forces to project a combat unit to Iran within the time of delivery: one is to deploy troops to Iran by air by means of strategic transport aircraft groups and tactical transport aircraft groups deployed in the South Asian theater; The second is to have troops assembled on the front line, that is, to deploy a strategic projection fleet carrying one combat unit in the Persian Gulf or in the northwestern waters of the Arabian Sea.

Although such a question can be consulted by the General Staff, Liu Xiaobin threw the problem to Pei Chengyi on the grounds that Pei Chengyi was solely responsible for operational affairs.

Strictly speaking, it's not a problem. While the former is more desirable and has more flexibility, at least it won't put the Republic at a disadvantage before the outbreak of war, but it is more difficult to operate. Moreover, the strategic airlift force is very valuable, and there are many more tasks to be undertaken. Without thinking about it, Pei Chengyi made a choice. In fact, Liu Xiaobin handed over such a simple question to Pei Chengyi, in addition to highlighting the status of the joint commander, mainly because he did not have a good relationship with the chief of the general staff to be precise.

Everyone knows that after Li Cunxun, the Military Intelligence Bureau can no longer cover the sky with one hand.

Although there is no shortage of capable agents in the Military Intelligence Bureau, such as Zhang Xiaolong, who has been reused in recent years, as well as Hu Ruixiang, Cao Xuehua and others, only Liu Xiao and Bin are really qualified to replace Li Cunxun, and Zhang Xiaolong will replace Liu Xiaobin at most. Liu Xiaobin's ability is definitely inferior to Li Cunxun, and it is greatly inferior to Li Cunxun. In the words of the outside world, after Liu Xiaobin became the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, he could only defend at most, and not think about making progress. In fact, after the painstaking management of Pan Yunsheng and Li Cunxun, two powerful bureau chiefs, Wu Nian, the Military Intelligence Bureau has been in full swing and has long run out of room for progress. After the military intelligence bureau reaches its peak under the leadership of Li Cunxun, it will inevitably go downhill. Against this background, there is certainly more than one person salivating over the MIA, including the Chief of the General Staff. Anyway. The emaciated Luo Zhu is bigger than the horse. As one of the world's largest intelligence agencies with thousands of employees and employees, the MIA was a giant after it fell. How to use the resources of the Military Intelligence Agency is probably a question that everyone has to consider. The so-called building near the water is the first to get the month, the Military Intelligence Bureau was originally a subordinate organ of the General Staff, and when Li Cunxun was about to retire, it was strange that Lin Xiaolei had no ideas. The problem is that Liu Xiaobin definitely does not want to become the "last director" and will not even tolerate the decline of the CIA in his own hands, and will definitely do his best to maintain the independence of the CIA, so as to clash with Lin Xiaolei.

In fact, when Liu Xiaobin reminded Pei Chengyi, he had the intention of uniting Pei Chengyi against Lin Xiaolei.

Pei Chengyi didn't understand. Just before the real power; He can't have any ideas. In any case, for Pei Chengyi, who has just returned to the front-line post, even with the full support of Li Cunxun, and even with the secret help of Yan Jingyu, the vice minister of the country, he is nothing in front of Lin Xiaolei.

Of course, the situation is very different now. The address of this site has been changed to: anti-8, please log in to read!

With the agreement between the Republic and Iran, even if the Joint Command Department has not been officially established, Pei Chengyi's status has also been guaranteed when Yuan Chenhao's location is guaranteed.

In other words, he is already a front-line commander with actual power, and even if Lin Xiaolei is dissatisfied with him, it is impossible to remove him from his post beyond his authority. To put it mildly. Pei Chengyi directly obeyed Yuan's dispatch, and was responsible to the Director of Military Intelligence according to Yuan's arrangement, and he didn't have much to do with the General Staff and the Chief of the General Staff, and Lin Xiaolei had no right to give orders to Pei Chengyi.

It is precisely because of this that when Pei Chengyi restored Liu Xiaobin, he clearly mentioned that Dan was stunned to move the first combat unit commanded by Vice Admiral Ling Yunxiao south from Lahore, to meet with the delayed strategic projection fleet after the fetus, and then follow the Navy's aircraft carrier battle group to the Gulf of Oman to stand by. Pei Chengyi did not forget one of the most important things, that is, it was explicitly mentioned that the Navy must send the aircraft carrier battle group deployed in Visakhapatnam to the Arabian Sea, and send the second strategic projection fleet stationed in the Gulf of Thailand to Visakhapatnam to prepare to send Vice Admiral Luo Shaopeng's second combat unit to the battlefield.

Contacting Xiao Xiaobin, Pei Chengyi called Hua Jianfeng.

Although the relationship between Pei Chengyi and Lin Xiaolei on the issue of the chief of general staff, after cooperating in the Falklands War, the relationship between Pei Chengyi and Hua Jianfeng was extraordinary. Because he had long expected that Pei Chengyi would make great achievements, Hua Jianfeng was also very happy to cooperate with Pei Chengyi. In this way, no matter whether Pei Chengyi takes Lin Xiaolei in his eyes or not, he has to give Navy Commander Hua Jianfeng a favor.

Besides, Gu Weimin did not hand over the operational command of the Navy to Pei Chengyi.

In Li Cunxun's words, as long as the war starts, because it needs to cooperate fully with Iran and Syria, Yuan will not favor Lin Xiaolei on the operational issue of the navy, and will definitely hand over the command to the joint command, but before that, the navy still has a lot of independence, and the joint command should fully consider this issue and be prepared for various situations to avoid unnecessary trouble.

The so-called unnecessary troubles are actually offending the commander of the Navy.

In fact. Mr. Lee's worries were somewhat unnecessary. Although Hua Jianfeng also has a gateway view, compared with Lin Xiaolei, his views are much more enlightened. What's more, Hua Jianfeng is a participant in the batch of "Yanhuang Jirong thugs", and he was reused during Ji Youguo's reign. Even if he didn't come into contact with much, but this catty. His special status gave him many privileges that other soldiers, including Pei Chengyi, could not enjoy, such as becoming Ji Youguo's guest when he was in his old age. And I have the most direct understanding of the words and deeds of the revitalization of the nation in the country. It can be said that if it weren't for the fact that the promotion channel of the Navy was more stringent than that of the Army, and the concept of hierarchy was more clear, I am afraid that Hua Jianfeng would have become the commander of the Navy long ago. It can be seen from Hua Jianfeng's performance in the Falklands War. He is not a soldier like Lin Xiaolei, even if he will fight for the most interests of the navy, but on major issues, he will definitely not joke about national interests.

Pei Chengyi knows Hua Jianfeng very well, and he also knows Hua Jianfeng's personality.

In Pei Chengyi's words, he called Hua Jianfeng completely to take care of the face of the naval commander.

In fact, after the signing of the agreement with Iran, it can be regarded as a glimpse. To put it bluntly, if the war in the Middle East is to be fought, the republic will have to find ways to get through the ideological work of the Syrian authorities.

Unlike Iran, the treatment of Syria has always been the responsibility of the Military Intelligence Agency.

Although Pei Chengyi called Li Cunxun after arriving at Gwadar Port, hoping that Su Jinhui would come back as soon as possible, go to Syria in advance to understand the situation, and participate in the formation of the Southern Front Command, so as to fully grasp the situation of the Syrian army and lay the foundation for future command operations, Li Cunxun did not agree. said that letting Su Jinhui come back would expose the republic's war intentions, thus affecting the entire plan.

And so it goes. Negotiations can only be entrusted to the Military Intelligence Agency. The address of this site has been changed to: Eliminate the heart, delete please log in to read!

The question is. The Military Intelligence Agency is only an intelligence agency, and even if it is a thriving intelligence agency, it is impossible to replace the General Staff.

It is undeniable that Syria has no other choice in the war decision-making and must take the "Republic" chariot. And strive to play the role of Iran in the war, so as to become a regional power in the Middle East after the war.

The question is. When it comes to specific issues, the Syrian authorities will certainly make demands on their own terms. For example, the Republic is required to provide strategic security guarantees, to demand more military aid, to have a greater say in the command of war, and to be stunned to recognize the identity of a regional power after the war. There is no doubt that so many problems, with the exception of a few political ones, are mostly military and need to be solved by generals with command. Pei Chengyi repeatedly emphasized that Su Jinhui should come back early and go to Syria to understand the situation, hoping that Su Jinhui would deal with these problems.

Li Cunxun's refusal to let Su Jinhui make a comeback must have other reasons.

Since Su Jinhui can't go to Syria, he can only think of other ways.

Tomorrow 4th. Pei Chengyi took a special plane to Damascus.

Because Yuan Chenhao had already accepted the appointment of commander of the Eastern Front, it was impossible for him to go to Syria instead of Su Jinhui. As co-commander, Bae Seung-yi must be responsible for two front-line commands. In the case that Su Jinhui can't leave the factory, he can only do it for him.

Anyway, this is not the result that Pei Chengyi wants, nor is it what he wants to do.

The Joint Command still has a lot of problems to solve, not even a viable war plan, but it is really annoying to be distracted to deal with the trivial problems in Syria. And so it goes. Pei Chengyi had to leave his most powerful assistant in the port of Gwadar.

Thankfully. Li Cunxun knew Pei Chengyi's hardship, so he sent Liu Xiaobin over.

No doubt. This trip to Damascus is a success, not a failure.