On May 20, 1941, after several harsh negotiations, the Tsurumoto Empire was forced to fully accept the armistice conditions proposed by the Empire after two months of repeated struggles, and Emperor Showa issued the "Edict of the Armistice of the Tsurumoto", announcing the unconditional surrender of the Tsurumoto and the formal abdication of the novel chapter before July 1.

In the draft of the "Unconditional Surrender Treaty" signed by the Chinese people, the empire made the following six main conditions for the surrender of the emperor: 1. The emperor system was terminated; 2. The Imperial Army shall be reorganized into the Guard Army, and in the new Constitution, it must renounce the right of foreign war, and shall not possess an air force or navy for 30 years, and the total number of troops shall not exceed 300,000; 3. It is said that the Chinese Empire shall be compensated 5.5 billion won as war reparations, and the Republic of Korea shall be compensated 1.5 billion Chinese won; 4. Ben permanently renounces sovereignty over Hokkaido, the Ryukyu Islands, Tsushima, the Kuril Islands, and the Iwo Jima Islands, recognizes that the occupation of Sakhalin Island is illegal, does not possess any form of sovereignty over the island, recognizes that sovereignty over Hokkaido, the Ryukyu Islands, the Kuril Islands, the Iwo Jima Islands, and other affiliated islands belongs to China, and unconditionally cedes sovereignty over Tsushima Island to the DPRK.

After the news was gradually confirmed in China, many of them reaffirmed that they had not been defeated, and that some of the reorganized guards had started a rebellion in Tokyo with right-wing forces and other retired officers and men, and then the rebellion spread to the entire city.

Faced with such a situation, General Chen Wu, as the commander-in-chief of the supreme occupation force in Yuebon, had no intention of mercy and requisitioned the Korean National Defense Forces from the Republic of Korea to participate in the suppression of the rebellion in Yuebon.

This was destined to be a very long period of conflict between long-term repression and chaos, known in history as the "abdication chaos", and the emperor system was about to come to an end. Not only did the right-wing forces and some people in Samoto be unwilling, but also the officers and men at all levels within Emperor Showa and the Provisional Political Axe and the Guard Army.

Retaining the emperor system may have been beneficial to maintaining stability within the country, but the Chinese Empire had no room for compromise on this. In this book, Commander-in-Chief Chen Wu adopted the tactic of mainly controlling large cities, shrinking military forces, and deliberately conniving at these chaotic organizations to coalesce and then completely annihilate them.

After the month of May. The whole society and the occupying forces were in a stage of serious antagonism, and the frequent outbreaks of [***] demonstrations and chaos caused the company to remain in a state of chaos for a long time.

For such a case. Emperor Song Biao and the empire seemed to be very calm, the hatred of the two nationalities accumulated so far, who still cares about his own demands and life or death, as long as there are demonstrations and chaos, they will implement severe suppression, and there will be no appeasement.

At least in Song Biao's opinion, the more chaotic the book, the better.

The only problem was that the Provisional Axe, supported by public opinion, repented and refused to sign the surrender treaty. The representative of the Provisional Prime Minister, Mitsumasa Yonechi, put forward four main amendments: First, the treaty was changed to the "Sino-Armistice Treaty", which in essence refused to admit defeat; 2. To continue to maintain the imperial state; 3. The actual ability to repay the principal must be taken into account in the payment of the principal compensation; 4. Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands and Iwo Jima Islands can only be leased for thirty years and cannot be ceded.

On these four points, Prime Minister Gu Weijun of the Central Cabinet refused to negotiate them. The two sides could not hold out, and Mitsumasa Yonechi declared that he would rather resign than sign an armistice treaty.

It's only now that I've picked up my backbone, is it too late?

The day after Emperor Song Biao convened a regular meeting of the National Defense Committee to discuss the possible attack of Nazi Germany on France, General Chen Wu also took a special plane back to Yanjing to report the truth to the Central Military Department and the cabinet.

There is no reproach within the Empire for the problems he has encountered, but it is not a good thing to let this situation continue to drag on.

After reporting to the military department and the cabinet, the next evening, Emperor Song Biao also invited Chen Wu and his wife to the Central Palace to attend the imperial banquet in the name of the royal family.

The location of Xuanzheng Garden is close to the central lake, there is a stone boat parked on the shore of the lake, you can enjoy the scenery of the lake, the surrounding lotus pond is about to bloom in the season, and the dark green lotus leaves spread out layer by layer on the lake for several miles.

took a leisurely walk and happened to walk to the stone boat, so Song Biao invited Chen Wu to go to the stone boat to play a game of chess.

They have really been friends for decades, and since the time Emperor Song Biao raised his army, Chen Wu has been a fierce general under his command who fought to the death. The two haven't seen each other for some years, and that night, Song Biao and Chen Wu talked about the past, and they were quite emotional about each other.

In the stone boat, the two played a game of chess to pass the time.

After this game of chess was played, Song Biao lit a Yuxi cigar and smoked for a while, and then asked Chen Wu: "How do you plan to deal with the matter over there?" ”

Chen Wu sighed, and subconsciously wiped the gray hair that had faded in the middle with a little embarrassment, and sighed: "The situation is still very tricky, it is not appropriate to force them to sign a treaty, and it is estimated that there is no practical effect, and there will be all kinds of nonsense in the future." If you have a soft hand, you will have to back down, and the cabinet and the military department have no intention of backing down, so I think about not ending the war for the time being, and I will kill them for as long as they want to make trouble. I will never be soft on killing myself, and it is not difficult to kill them until they become extinct, but I am afraid that the reputation of the empire in the world is not very good, and now this subordinate is not black enough. As long as the DPRK and the DPRK continue to be opposed, we can drag the DPRK in the front of the DPRK to toss the DPRK in Northeast Asia, and we can't take action in person. As for Xiao Yueben, to be honest, even if the treaty is signed today, they will still be in trouble in the future, and this nation itself has problems at the root, so it can only be said that after this time, it will be more or less honest in the future. ”

Song Biao snorted.

After pondering for a moment, he said to Chen Wu: "Then let's leave a million national defense troops on the side of Yuben and toss slowly, as long as they mess up, they will be severely suppressed, and the masterminds and organizations behind them must be uprooted. The soft part of the surname is a separate one. I think it may be more difficult for you to let Wang Zhaoming take charge of part of the work, and he knows more about the situation in Yueben. There may be a more appropriate countermeasure. ”

Chen Wu nodded and said, "It's okay, I have more time to return to Beijing this time, and I'll take some time the day after tomorrow to see if I can talk to Chairman Wang." He still wants to give me this feeling, right? ”

Song Biao smiled and said, "It should be given." ”

Chen Wu has always respected intellectuals very much. At the beginning, he had been getting along with Wang Zhaoming happily in the Northeast, and at that time, Chen Wu was already a general with real power, and Wang Zhaoming was just a secretary to Song Biao, the king of the Northeast.

In fact, Song Biao arranged for the East Asian Research Bureau of the Central Academy of Political Science and Law to conduct a long-term follow-up study on the current issue, including the Central Cabinet and other universities and some think tanks of the Central Academy of Social Sciences to provide policy advice. To provide a new viewpoint on reporting, it is necessary to fundamentally clarify the close relationship between the militarism and the emperor, as well as all the culinary responsibilities of the military as the party responsible for the war, including the military's dominance of media opinion, the blocking of surnames and distorted reporting on the country, and so on.

Only by exposing these problems at their root can we do so. As far as the present situation is concerned, the root cause of the problem lies in the fact that the people of China still firmly believe that China is the creator of contradictions and the evil force that prevents the development of China, and that the war was also provoked by China on its own initiative, and that China is an outright aggressor.

In addition, the blind worship of the emperor system by the people of Japan is also a very complex and thorny issue.

If all this is to be fundamentally reversed, the empire's occupation period in the city may last for 10 years, or even 30 years, and in order to maintain a relatively stable occupation period, the empire will still have to carry out a larger-scale policy of repression at this stage and completely wipe out the right-wing institutions in the country.

As for the territorial claims put forward by the Empire, especially on the issue of Hokkaido and the termination of the Emperor's system, the various think tanks in Japan generally believe that these two demands are indeed difficult to accept at this stage, but these are also the two main factors that have persisted in the war until now, and the Empire is unlikely to back down, so both sides can only continue to hold on.

After a discussion about the issue, Song Biao also asked Chen Wu about his past experiences as Iran's top military adviser.

As the most important ally of the empire in West Asia and the Middle East, Iran's stability and development is obviously a very important thing for the empire.

Unlike these research institutes, Chen Wu held a higher position during his time in Iran, and in his view, the struggle within Iran's top leadership was too complex and hidden, and difficult to reconcile, especially with the Pahlavi Shah and the newly appointed Mohammed. On the surface, both of them are leaders of secular reformers, but in terms of foreign policy, Mossadegh prefers to adopt a new policy that is completely neutral from Pahlavi's current tilt towards China, especially in the case of the Iranian National Oil Company, Mossadegh hopes to take back the half of the shares held by CITIC, or give some of it to Germany or the United States, so as to attract more powerful countries to support Iran, rather than relying solely on China.

Chen Wu had many contacts with Mossadegh, and he believed that Mossadegh did not like Britain and the United States in nature, and even disliked Britain harshly in private, which is why he recently actively demanded that Britain withdraw from Asia and the Middle East, but Mossadegh was essentially more opposed to the current Pahlavi king.

It was almost an open secret within Iran's political hierarchy that the two men hated each other, and it was only in view of Mossadegh's influence and popularity within Iran's reformers that the king could only sit back and watch him become the new prime minister.

After listening to Chen Wu's opinion, Emperor Song Biao asked Chen Wudao, "How is your relationship with Mossadegh?" ”

Chen Wu thought cautiously for a moment and said, "It should be good, but I prefer to associate with the Pahlavi king compared to Mossadegh, and I think Premier Gu should think the same way." I think that every country has egocentrism, and the tradition of Iran's great Persian empire has made many Iranian elites have a kind of imperial centrism, and they are very self-assured, and the ** who wants to be the hegemon of the Middle East is probably stronger than the reality of being subordinated to the second seat of the Asian League, although the Pahlavi king has some outrageousness. But on this point, it is still clearer. In other words, in the minds of many Iranians, the center of the world is still Europe and the United States. It's still Britain, even if they are harshly against Britain, but they worship Britain in their hearts, but they can't say it. ”

There was a slight pause. Chen Wu sighed: "So some time ago, I still suggested that the empire start a war with Britain, only if we directly break Britain to pieces, the whole world will suddenly wake up." Only then can they really understand that the reality of the situation is different from their inherent understanding. ”

Emperor Song Biao bowed slightly, he also knew that Chen Wu's point of view was reasonable, but the reality was already like this, and the way to make up for it now was to re-adopt active international propaganda work. The way in which aircraft carrier formations are sent to travel around the world has made the whole world more aware of this.

This is very important, and if the British people had realized this earlier, they would not have blindly supported Winston. The Churchill cabinet came up, leading to all sorts of recurring problems in the middle. Nor would it force the empire to attack the pound by jīliè means.

When the night deepened, after Chen Wu and his wife said goodbye and left, Song Biao asked Zhang Bojun, the secretary general of the Inner Court, to meet him in the imperial study.

Zhang Bojun, many people are still very clear, this gentleman was once called the "first big rightist", in fact, this person's thinking is still relatively left, after returning from the University of Berlin, he joined the SPD, and this is also the reason why Song Biao appointed him as the secretary general of the Inner Court among the more than ten candidates recommended by the Inner Court and Chen Jin.

To a greater extent, Zhang Bojun is a philosophical scholar, majoring in Hegel, Marx theory and Bernstein's theory of social philosophy during his study at the University of Berlin, and after returning to China with a doctorate, he applied for the position of researcher at the Institute of Social Philosophy of the Central Academy of Political Science and Law.

It was under such a special circumstance that Emperor Song Biao neglected to choose him to take up the post of secretary general of the Inner Court, responsible for managing the Secretariat of the Inner Court and other civil bureaus, as well as coordinating the administrative relations between the Inner Court and the Central Cabinet and the National Assembly.

As the first secretary general of the SPD's inner court in the empire, Zhang Bojun has been working in the inner court for two months, and now he is basically adapted to this kind of work, he previously served as the deputy director and chief researcher of the Modern Philosophy Bureau of the Central Academy of Political Science and Law, and the director of the policy research department of the SPD's party department.

During this period, Emperor Song Biao also had many brief exchanges with Zhang Bojun, in general, he believed that Secretary General Zhang had the unique temperament and contradictions of intellectuals in this period, had a reformist demeanor, was both self-confident and unconfident, both yearning for strength and fear of war, both afraid of being hurt by others and afraid of being hurt by others, both wanting to uphold justice and opposing war.

Zhang Bojun cleverly concealed his inner fear of war and the emperor, standing in the inner court with the spirit and appearance of a modern and classical intellectual, many times, he always seemed a little isolated, full of new hope, and felt how much power made him tremble.

He opposed the war and the tough suppression of the people, but he always hid these thoughts very deeply, and kept silent with the gentlemanly demeanor of Caigen Tan, and faithfully fulfilled his duty as a civil servant by the emperor's side.

He was a strong and forgiving man, but also a cowardly man.

This man was strange, but Emperor Song Biao admired his talent in philosophical theory.

In the late hour, the frogs by the pond are noisy and pleasant, and the evening breeze is also very cool blowing in the luxurious and brilliant Central Palace.

He cautiously walked into the imperial study, and saw that Emperor Hua was reading a book, and writing something casually on the paper with a pen, he bowed silently, and did not dare to say a word.

There is such a rule in the Central Palace, whether the minister should pay a visit to the emperor openly or not, and say something like "the minister meets the emperor", it depends on the expression of the first-class chamberlain.

If the chamberlain nods, the minister can speak, if the chamberlain shakes his head slightly, then don't speak, anyway, as soon as you come in, the emperor always knows that you are coming. Especially the secretary general of the inner court like Zhang Bojun, who belongs to close ministers.

Emperor Song Biao read the report of the Research Bureau on the book, and after reviewing it, put it on the table, and then raised his head and glanced at Zhang Bojun.

Zhang Bojun also hurriedly stepped forward at this time and said, "Your Majesty will see the emperor." ”

The words of the inner court are all to be precise and deceitful. If you come in, you will say goodbye, and if you wait for a period of time, you will say that you will see, this is the rule in the inner court, and the law is strict.

Emperor Song Biao bowed slightly. seems to be very satisfied that Zhang Bojun is still in the inner court to revise the document report so late, but he did not give Zhang Bojun a seat or anything like that, because Zhang Bojun's level is indeed not enough. And the emperor will not give him some kind of special treatment because he admires others.

Emperor Song Biao casually mentioned to Zhang Bojun: "Just now I talked to General Chen Wu about some things in Iran and Britain, and I felt that the international community still lacks a clearer understanding of the overall strength of the empire. For example, in the current Sino-British dispute, the two British Cabinets actually considered further concessions, and were forced to adopt a rigid negotiation policy due to the overall opposition of the British people. It almost brought our two countries to the point of war. We did a survey, more than 7 percent of the British still think that the military strength of the British Empire is stronger than China, and even more than 5 percent of the British still think that China is an ignorant and backward country, far from modern civilization, which is the fundamental reason for their pride. In fact, it's the exact opposite. In addition to military and diplomatic problems, this is not conducive to maintaining our leadership position in Asia, let alone the further development of China's industry and foreign trade. Tomorrow, you will report my concerns on this issue to the Cabinet and the Diet, and instruct the Cabinet to draw up a long-term plan for international propaganda and image improvement as soon as possible. ”

Zhang Bojun nodded yes, and it was a little difficult in his heart that he didn't know how to carry out these work, he was not familiar with this aspect of work, but it was not a very complicated problem, and as the work unfolded, he would naturally understand how to do these work.

Everyone needs to accumulate new experiences.

Zhang Bojun will also gradually understand that the inner court still has a lot of real power in this empire, but it is just very hidden in the empire.

Emperor Song Biao continued to ask Zhang Bojun: "Another question is, regarding the integration of the Social Democratic Party and the Guangfu Party, have you made any new progress in the study of the theory of social Mingzhuoism?" ”

Zhang Bojun was a little nervous, and replied: "I am continuing to study, economic policy is not something I am good at, and now I am seeking to work together with other colleagues and scholars." ”

Emperor Song Biao knew that this generation of scholars was still very responsible, the ancient style still existed, and they were determined to forge ahead, which was a portrayal of this generation, and it was fortunate that the empire had such a generation.

He didn't have anything else to worry about, so he didn't emphasize it anymore and let Zhang Bojun go back to work first, because he also knew that Zhang Bojun had no work experience in this area before, and he was afraid that he would have to be busy for a while, which is normal, every secretary general of the inner court comes over like this, and this is also their shortcut to a higher level of politics.

The advantage of standing tall is that you can always see higher and farther.

……

A few days later, General Chen Wu met with Wang Zhaoming and talked about the various problems he had encountered in the institute, and Wang Zhaoming was also a veteran politician who was well versed in the society and culture of the institute, and made many very practical suggestions for Chen Wu.

These methods may be a little insidious, but they are much more effective than the various advice provided by various think tanks, and even have immediate results.

Last year was the year of the election of the Central Assembly and the prime minister, and this year was the year of universal suffrage for the provincial assembly, and the imminent merger of the Liberation Party and the Social Democratic Party has been widely spread.

In short, he will be in charge of the temporary political axe and re-elect a more suitable senior leader behind the scenes.

Before he went to the book, the post of chairman of the Guangfu Party would be held by Yang Zhaolin, and now the Guangfu Party is a triumvirate situation of Gu Weijun, Wang Zhaoming, and Yang Zhaolin.

In terms of conservative and liberal division, Yang belongs to the conservative faction, while Wang Gu belongs to the liberal faction.

Chen Jin and a group of other young legislators are a new faction, calling themselves the new faction, which is largely part of Gu Weijun's centrist liberals, but more hawkish on international policy, especially military policy, which is similar to Yang's leftist conservatism.

In view of the imminent merger of the Liberation Party with the left-liberal SPD, the general trend is unstoppable, and the intra-party vote is clearly biased in favor of Yang Zhaolin as the new speaker of the National Assembly and chairman of the Liberation Party, so as to facilitate the merger of the two parties.

The capitalist liberalism represented by the Wang faction is suspected of being overthrown, and if it were not for the emperor's commitment to continue to maintain the balance of their faction within the party and the central cabinet, the Wang faction would have had a plan to withdraw from the Liberation Party and form its own Liberal and Progressive Party.

Emperor Song Biao's partisan political balance has always been the key to the stability of the imperial party and government to this day, and it is also a well-known fact that it is precisely because of the existence of the emperor that the various factions can maintain the balance of the present day, as well as maintain the situation of cooperation and unity and internal disputes.

After Commander-in-Chief Chen Wu returned to Tokyo first, Song Biao also summoned Wang Zhaoming in the Xuanzheng Garden and had a more in-depth discussion on the issues on the other side.

The two men generally agreed that it would take a long time and a lot of effort to deal with the problem of the Empire, which meant that the occupation period of the Empire in the Empire would be very long, and if the situation was not good and the work did not go well, the occupation period could even last for decades.

Of course, this is not a good thing, but the empire will definitely not do anything to fall short, since it has dug a pit 9,900 feet deep, it will definitely not give up the last 100 feet, and persevere to the end in order to meet the final victory and the final result that the empire wants.

The war was fought, the money was spent, and the people were sacrificed hundreds of thousands, Emperor Song Biao was determined, even if it took 20 years to occupy the capital and rectify it for a long time, he would also correct the problem.

He does not seek the goal of never having a war, but only hopes that in the past 100 years, these questions about who has been right and who has been wrong, who deserves it, and who has asked for it in the past 50 years can be sorted out, so that there will be no toss in the matter of keeping to oneself.

The empire absolutely has no plan to support the United States and then contain the United States, so the empire must also own Hokkaido and the Kuril Islands to strategically form a sufficient containment effect on the United States.

As long as Hokkaido is a foothold, the empire will have firm control over the entire North Pacific.

This is a very important point and will definitely not be compromised.

As for the end of the Emperor's system, the Empire will not make any concessions, even if it is another ten years of war, the Empire will not make concessions.