With the first cold snap in Bu Xun, Moscow, which has just experienced the most weeping in a century, ushered in the earliest winter of this century. Overnight, the former imperial capital was covered in silver. The Kremlin, which is nearly 600 years old, is covered with a snow-white hijab.

Compared with the cold snap blowing from the north, the current international situation is even worse.

The Volga bulletproof sedan with the license plate of the Army Headquarters stopped only for a moment outside the sentry box at the entrance, and the guards let it go after seeing that it was General Chervinsky sitting inside. In fact, the security of the Kremlin is much tighter than it seems, for example, there is a smart password sensor on Cherwinsky's car, if the code does not match, not only will the barricades at the Kremlin gate not be lowered, but the light machine guns on both sides will also open fire when the vehicle forcibly breaks through. After last year's military coup in Kazakhstan, the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs also collected the magnetic field data of all high-ranking official cars, and based on this, it created a passive bump-sensing safety response device, which works similarly to the Intuitive Password sensor, only more secure, and absolutely impossible to replicate. In addition to these passive security measures, the Kremlin's gates are equipped with a variety of security detection devices, such as a life sensor designed to scan the number of living people in the car, and an explosive device detector for explosives. All in all, it is almost impossible to break into the Kremlin.

Outside the presidential residence, Chervinsky immediately saw that the commanders of the Navy, Air Force, and Space Forces had arrived, and the cars of the vice president, prime minister, and other government officials were parked at the other end, and only the chief of the General Staff, General Ulyanov, the deputy chief of the General Staff, Colonel-General Provetsky, and several local officials and commanders of military districts in Moscow had not yet arrived.

Chervinsky did not delay in the slightest. After greeting the presidential assistant who was guarding the gate, he went to the study.

In fact, Chervinsky was the last dignitary to arrive, because Ulyanov had gone to Kaliningrad and Provetsky was on his way to Vlažvostok, and both of them were participating in the discussion through a confidential communication line, and the local dignitaries were not notified of the meeting.

With the arrival of the Army Commander, the meeting quickly got to the point.

There is only one item on the agenda of this emergency meeting, and that is military countermeasures to the current situation.

The main point is clear: it is a military countermeasure, not a diplomatic one.

Although Cheryakov made a strong stance at the beginning of the meeting, supporting all means to resolve the threat to Russia, Chervinsky knew very well that the president had not given up hope of diplomatic efforts, and it was Vice President Djodnovich who really wanted to solve the problem with Zhanzhuo.

As army commander, Chervinsky was well aware of Chodnovich's close ties with domestic interest groups.

Although everyone believes that Jodnovich is a civilian official and does not have close ties to the military, those who know the vice president who served as Russia's Minister of National Security, Industry and Special Affairs know that the biggest supporters behind Jodnovich are Russia's military-industrial complex, energy conglomerates, and ethnic affairs groups in the Far East. Needless to say, the influence of the first two interest groups in Russia is that the military-industrial complex is the largest backer of the Russian army, and the energy group is the main source of finance for the Russian authorities. In fact, the most influential. It is also an ethnic affairs group in the Far East.

In Russia, this is definitely a well-known civil society, and the most important feature of this society is the emphasis on the Russian national character. If you were to give a detailed account of this society, it would be a long story, and just one example will explain its position in Russia. After the conflict between Japan and South Korea on Dokdo, Japan's arrogance became very loud and turned its guns to Russia for a time. Russia is demanding the return of the four northern islands.

Although the Japanese authorities did not use extreme means to solve the problem as they did in handling the Dokdo dispute, they even offered to buy the four northern islands with money, and offered a sky-high price of U.S. dollars for the island. Objectively speaking. For Russia, which is in dire straits, "the dollar is definitely a big temptation." You know, at that time, Russia's exports were facing difficulties, foreign exchange reserves were about to be exhausted, and the country was facing the threat of bankruptcy. However, Russia not only rejected Japan's "request" but also took a tough stance and sent additional military forces to the four northern islands. At one point, it even expelled Japanese tourists operating on the four northern islands, almost pushing Russian-Japanese relations to the brink of war. Behind this incident, the key role was played by the ethnic affairs groups of the Far East. Thus. Not only is the group incredibly influential, but it's also very extreme.

Knowing this, it is not difficult to understand the political position of Chodnovich.

In fact, at the beginning of last year, the Russian army brazenly sent troops to Kazakhstan and blocked the democratically elected president from the country to support the pro-Russian prime minister to come to power. It was Djodnovich's idea, which had little to do with Cheryakov, and Djodnovich's purpose in doing so was to ensure the strategic security of the Far East and Siberia, so that the protection of several major interest groups that completely relied on the resources of the two places could be protected to the maximum.

Some might think that Jodnovic is a warmonger.

Of course, Chervinsky doesn't see it that way. Because with or without Jodnovich, the war will break out, the difference is only sooner or later. Think big. Djodnovich's hard-line stance is only that Russia should actively face external threats and have the courage to meet the enemy Kawakoto. Instead of burying one's head in the ostrich, "we should not take over the interests of the family for the sake of safety." This is only a difference in political opinion, and it cannot be considered that Djodnovich betrayed the interests of the state for personal gain. As a matter of fact, effectively protecting domestic interest groups is also just one way to protect national interests.

It is precisely in this way that Chodnovic has the support and support of many high-ranking generals.

Among the many high-ranking generals of the Russian army, Chervinsky is definitely an outlier, because he does not agree with Chodnovich's ideas, but clearly supports Cheryabayv, believing that Russia should not take the initiative to provoke the republic, let alone act as a pawn of the United States for a less reliable alliance.

As mentioned earlier, this view of Chervinsky does not mean that he does not put the interests of the country first, but only that there is a difference in political views. The reason for letting Chervinsky go his separate course with the other Russian generals is simple, he is the commander of the Russian Army and knows better the dire consequences of a war with the republic. Or rather, Chervinsky is more aware of the huge gap between Russia's military power and the republic.

As a professional soldier who has served for many years and has devoted most of his life to the cause of Russian defense, it is impossible for Chervinsky not to know about the situation in the Russian army, especially the army. More importantly, Chervinsky is one of the few high-ranking generals in the Russian army who is highly concerned about the process of the republican power exhibition.

As early as the old year of the force, that is, during the South China Sea War, Second Lieutenant Chervinsky, who graduated from the military academy and served in the grassroots units for less than three years, wrote a professional paper on airborne operations on the actual combat performance of the airborne troops of the Republic Army in the Nonghei Resistance Battle, and it was published in the internal journal of the Russian army. Although this paper was superficial and did not touch on the point, it changed Chervinsky's fate, allowing him to transfer from the Russian border troops to the elite airborne troops of the Russian army, and was promoted to lieutenant.

After the outbreak of the Ten Islands War, Chervinsky, who was already a captain of the Russian army, accurately predicted in advance that the Republic Army would dispatch elite airborne troops to capture Wulao, cut off the retreat of the US Marines, and annihilated the two US Marine Divisions that rushed north in one fell swoop. And with this, a general offensive on the Eastern Front. It is a pity that at this time Chervinsky was still in a low-key position, and his predictions were not taken seriously at all. Of course, after the two U.S. Marine Divisions were completely annihilated by the Republican Army north of Wulao, Chervinsky also benefited indirectly, was transferred to the Russian Army Command, and was promoted to Army Major several years ahead of schedule.

Because neither China nor Japan lost too many ground forces in the Japanese War, and the Marines played the leading role in several limited ground wars, Chervinsky was not able to get a chance to perform.

It wasn't until the Western Years, during the Indian War, that Chervinsky was once again given the opportunity to perform. According to internal information of the Russian army, shortly after the outbreak of the war in India, Colonel Chervinsky, who was already an operational staff officer of the Russian Army Command, suggested to the Kremlin that Russia could not confront the republic on the Indian issue, because the republic could defeat India before other countries could react, and Russia's confrontational measures would not only not help India, but would put itself in a dangerous situation. Although there is no evidence that Cherwinsky's advice worked, this gamble on his future once again allowed the Veros hierarchy to see this talented soldier, and thus gave Chervinsky the opportunity to become a general.

What really made Cherwinsky shine. Or the Korean Peninsula War. Because in all the previous local wars, the republican team was invincible, even in the second Falklands war on the other side of the world, the republic also helped Argentina defeat the powerful Britain, so before the outbreak of the Middle East war, almost all the senior generals of the Russian army believed that the republican team would once again cast glory and cut the U.S. army off for the third time. It was in this general atmosphere that Chervinsky boldly predicted that there would be no real winner in this war, and it would be difficult for the republican team to win. It will not be easily defeated, and it is very likely that it will eventually shake hands with the US military. When the Middle East War came to an end in the form of armistice negotiations. Chervinsky was not only successfully promoted to lieutenant general of the Russian army, but also became the chief of staff of the Russian army, becoming the natural candidate for the next commander of the Russian army. It was with this that he established his high position in the Russian Army.

It can be seen from this that Chervinsky is a soldier with a particularly strong view of the overall situation.

In terms of strategic vision alone, Chervinsky is not even under Pei Chengyi.

It is precisely because of this that the Russian army is considered to have the basic strength to challenge the republic after signing a secret alliance treaty with the United States. Chervinsky resolutely advocated avoiding war, and even believed that there was no need for Russia to fulfill its obligations under the treaty and that it absolutely could not stand in the way of the United States.

It can even be said that it was Chervinsky who influenced Cheryakov.

In terms of personal relations alone, Chervinsky was certainly a loyal Cheryakov. The reason is simple, Chervinsky's promotion almost completely coincides with Cheryakov's family history, and the two have not only known each other for decades, but also supported each other for decades. For example, when Chervinsky returned to the Russian Army Command as a major staff officer, Cheryakov had just made his debut in the Third Chechen War, and he was able to get the support of the Russian army, which had a close relationship with Chervinsky, who was responsible for writing the combat performance of the Russian army at that time.

Of course, this does not negate the strength of the contract

Being able to become the president of Russia, Cheryakov is absolutely extraordinary, and it is impossible to build success on an army commander who is much worse than him.

In the Russian top, so to speak. Almost everyone agrees that it was the unbreakable alliance between Cheryakov and Chervinsky that allowed the "Russian tank" to sail smoothly in the stormy seas of the next year for several years, without going into battle in advance.

The problem is that as long as it is a tank, it has to be driven into battle.

In Chervinsky's view, the military coup in Kazakhstan in the past year, as well as the actions taken by Russia, have shown that the "Russian tank" is out of control and is staggering towards the battlefield.

For more than a year, Cheryakov and Chervinsky did not fail to make efforts, but they did not receive results.

It can be said that in order to change the fate of Russia, Cheryakov almost resorted to the most extreme means. It arrives at the end of the old year. At the beginning of the month, Cheryakov repeatedly hinted to Chervinsky that if necessary, he could use special means to eliminate some dissident politicians, stabilize Russia's domestic situation, and take the opportunity to adjust Russia's foreign strategy. To put it bluntly, it is Cheryakov who wants to eradicate the pro-American Zidenovich by secret means. With this demand, Chervinsky was supported. In this matter, Chervinsky had little choice, because when it came to practical action, Cheryakov did not need an army commander to mobilize troops, but only needed to use the Moscow garrison and the internal affairs forces that were absolutely loyal to the president to complete the elimination of Chodnovich. Fortunately, probably under the influence of some policies of the republican authorities, Cheryakov pulled back from the precipice at the last minute and put an end to this move, which was likely to lead to civil strife in Russia and even lead to civil war. A covert operation against Chodnovich was abandoned.

It was also from the end of the calendar year that Cheryakov's influence became weaker and weaker, but Chodnovich became stronger.

Stand a. Seventh, Chervinsky does not want Cheryakov to do this, after all, without Cheryakov's restraint and restraint, Chodnovich will be even more unscrupulous, and those important members of the main battle will definitely push Russia into the abyss, and no one will be able to save Russia at that time. However, from the standpoint of the state, Chervinsky had to accept Cheliakov's decision, because if Cheryakov did not compromise, he would only tear Russia apart, and this is exactly what Russia's enemies are most willing to see.

Russia cannot be divided, it can only rise up and fight.

Two months ago, at the meeting from the night of August 6 to the morning of August 7, Chervinsky changed his position and began to support Djodnovich's main battle decision, according to Cheryakov's arrangement. Of course, a compromise with Djodnovic in the general direction does not mean making concessions on the details. At that meeting, Chervinsky made it clear that the Russian army was not ready for war, and in the case of inadequate preparation. The probability of the Russian army defeating the republican ** team is zero. There will definitely be a fiasco. Because several other service commanders also supported this point of view and asked for more time to prepare for war, before the end of the meeting. Cheryakov gave Chervinsky and others two months to go to the main grassroots units to understand the actual situation. On this basis, a detailed preparation plan is formulated.

It was only on the 8th of the old month that Chervinsky returned to Moscow with the planned preparations for war.

It can be said that Chervinsky has become a big hit, and those military commanders who have completed the grassroots inspection work ahead of schedule are much more relaxed than him. Of course, Chervinsky did not tell anyone else that if it were not for the fact that the head of the republic had made such a big move in Rome. Forcing the Russian authorities to respond with a tough position. The Russian demonstrations in Poland have led to sudden tensions between Russia and Europe, and he will not be in a hurry to return to Moscow. Anyway, according to the practice of the Russian army, it is normal for anything to be delayed for ten days and half a month, and there is no need to complete the grassroots inspection work within two or two months in accordance with the president's regulations. It was under this influence that Chervinsky brought back only a hastily drawn up and unpolished report on the preparation for war.

Given the importance of this meeting, Chervinsky has repeatedly conceded the opportunity to speak to the commanders of other services.

Halfway through the meeting, the commander in chief of hundreds of thousands of soldiers, the eldest commander of the service, still did not say a word, and completely became an audience.

The problem is that it is impossible for Chervinsky to come to the meeting with his mouth at home and only his ears.

In the same way, Charyakov, who presided over the meeting, and Chodnovich, who was noisy at the meeting, did not let Chervinsky just listen and not speak, and his opinions and opinions rotted in his stomach.

After Admiral Dukov introduced the construction of the Celestial Army, Chebanyakov and Chodnovi turned their eyes to Chervinsky who was cowering in the corner at the same time, and both showed that they wanted Chervinsky to express their opinions, and Chodnovich even knocked on the table a little impatiently.

Seeing this situation, Chervinsky could not continue to dodge.

After exchanging glances with Cheryakov, the army general extinguished the cigarette butt that was about to burn out. Picking up the papers placed in the chair next to him, he got up and walked up to the podium.

If you want to say it, you have to say it thoroughly!