PS: Thank you 970301 for rewarding the monthly pass, and thank Brother Ajing for coming to reward the monthly pass.

The No. 1 government in the Haitang State is undoubtedly the original name of the 'National Development and Reform Commission', and now it has been renamed the comprehensive administrative department of the State Council.

The State Council is under the direct leadership of Premier Yuan Ye. The government's policy funding personnel are assigned by it, and this department can be described as all-encompassing. Therefore, there is no doubt that it ranks first among the government agencies of the Haitang Kingdom.

In Li Guang's view, in addition to being the core of the government, the State Council is also the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, the central bank, in short, the departmental functions that a country should have.

There are quite a few departments under the State Council, and some of them are also called XX Department, but in fact there are only three or two personnel. There are even ministries that have only one minister. However, due to the complexity of the affairs and the continuous expansion of the staff, by the end of the year 42, the number had exceeded 1,000.

To say that the population of the Haitang Kingdom is only the population of a larger county in China in the 21st century, but it is not feasible to streamline the government here. Because the structure of a country is not so easy to streamline.

In addition, the situation of Haitang is special, and the personnel of the State Council not only cannot be reduced, but are also increasing one after another.

For example, the State Council directly manages more than a dozen enterprises, similar in nature to China's state-owned enterprises.

Most of these enterprises were coal and graphite mines that received French colonists, and even a lead mine. And there are many enterprises that are directly invested by the government, such as power plants and cement plants. Another example is that although all the profits of military factories belong to the military, the management power is handed over to the National Development and Reform Commission. In addition to these entities, the NDRC also directly leads the Haitang Central Bank.

These companies are more lucrative than private companies. And more importantly, some of these assets were invested by Li Guang. Some were obtained by the Naval Resistance Army after occupying Datang Island.

Although Li Guang is unwilling to engage in any state-owned enterprises, sooner or later that thing will come to a state of monopoly and inefficiency. But no matter from which point of view, these enterprises cannot be given to businessmen for free. Therefore, as a government, it has to play the role of a business operator at the same time.

As for other departments necessary for the state, such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Education, etc., the Haitang Kingdom is now small but must be established. In short, it is true that institutions cannot be streamlined.

Li Guang couldn't figure out why, unconsciously, the country had become more and more similar to the structure of the Chinese government in later generations. Conceptually, Li Guang originally wanted to establish a small government, not a big government that did everything like later China.

As for the Federation of Workers, Peasants and Businesses that Li Guang intends to support. It has now rightly become a permanent institution of the state, playing the role of parliament. Although it has become a common practice, all policies issued by government departments need to be approved by the Federation of Workers, Farmers and Businesses. However, in fact, the voice of this department is seriously underwhelmed now. It's easy to see why. First, most of the policies introduced by the government are quite scientific. Second, even if there are some problems. The Federation of Workers, Peasants and Businesses also did not have enough talent to discuss or argue with the "professional players" of the State Council. Third. Most of the workers, peasants and merchants were businessmen, so busy that they didn't have much energy at all.

There is a saying from the German Marx (Marx) that can explain this phenomenon: the economic base determines the superstructure.

The current economic situation of Haitang is different from that of any other country, and the military has generated a lot of profits. This profit not only covers the military expenses of the Naval Resistance Army, but also allocates a considerable part of it as administrative expenses (including immigration and agricultural inputs). Some of them are even invested in the business world.

On the government side, it has huge resources, such as land and minerals on Datang Island. However, it is still a one-way investment and has not entered the payback period.

Business. Although the form is quite prosperous, the actual profits handed over to the government are quite limited. Although the industrial and commercial tax revenue may be larger than that of a province in China, it is still a drop in the bucket for the Maritime Resistance Army.

As for the peasants, this group is large enough. But so far, not to mention paying taxes, the government as a whole needs to inject funds.

Such an economic structure is almost destined to dominate the military and government of the Haitang Kingdom, and the voice of other groups is seriously insufficient.

It seems logical to form the current pattern, and there is not even any opposition. Even the Federation of Workers, Peasants and Merchants, which Li Guang fostered, did not have much opinion on such a form of government organization.

It's a question of who is attached to whom. In short, the current agricultural industry and commerce rely on the government of the Haitang State to make money and live, and rely on the Maritime Resistance Army. Although there are elements that complement each other, the private sector relies more on the government and the military.

And this is definitely not a situation caused by Yuan Ye's arbitrariness, you must know that a considerable proportion of the officials in the NDRC are the children of business people, and most of the young people have experience living in Europe and the United States. If a policy is formulated in a serious way that deviates from democratic thinking, there is definitely opposition to it. It is impossible for Li Guang not to receive the relevant information.

This is a big gap from Li Guang's thinking, but it seems to be really reasonable and logical. Li Guang's ideal country is not like this, how did he come to such a strange road?

Neither capitalism nor communism, what is it?

Imperialism? Not to mention that Li Guang didn't have that kind of mind, Mr. Yuan also regarded the imperial system as a snake and scorpion because of the notoriety of his predecessors.

Songun politics? Phew, the stick thing, Li Guang is not cold at all.

Militarism? History has proven that it is definitely looking for death, and Li Guang has not fainted.

Democratic elections are simply not possible in the current situation. There is no demand from the people, and it seems inappropriate under the current circumstances, and forcibly reversing it is not conducive to the overall situation of the War of Resistance and the development of the economy and the needs of immigration.

Democracy really didn't fall from the sky.

Li Guang speculated: If non-governmental forces want to restrain the government, at least the non-governmental sector must account for the majority of the national economy.

It is necessary to form a political pattern of mutual restraint and competition. The contribution of the private economy to the Haitang State (military and administrative expenses) is at least greater than that of the government and the military.

However, this is easier said than done.

The military, that is, Li Guang, will certainly not mix up the enterprise and the combat department after the war. In fact, although there is an economic connection now, there is also an inevitable connection in technology. But in addition to the military's security, management has been handed over to the government. That is, it is possible that the military will withdraw from the competition for dominance of the national economy in the future. But it's only possible, because there are some projects that don't necessarily have anyone else to invest in except the military.

The most obvious is the production of large-caliber grenades, anti-aircraft artillery shells, as well as armor-piercing shells. Because of the difficulty of production, private enterprises prefer to make small profits and produce mortar shells, but are unwilling to develop such high value-added products. Of course, it is also related to its technical level, and the weak foundation makes it impossible for private enterprises to enter such enterprises.

As for warplanes, tanks or anti-aircraft artillery submarines, warships. Such a high-tech, high-difficulty industry. Counting on private investment, I am afraid that it will not necessarily be able to go down this path in 10 or 20 years.

Therefore, under Li Guang's super-modern vision, the military even streamlined the project. Maybe it can still occupy a leading position in the national economy.

On the government side. If you have a huge amount of resources and think of the government as a business. It can be said that the entire Datang Island and the islands attached to the Haitang Kingdom are all its assets.

Comparatively. It is too difficult for workers, peasants and businessmen to surpass the government and the military combined. Even in the future, with a total population of more than 10 million, the contribution of the private economy to the country will not exceed that of the military and the government.

What will be the direction of the Haitang Kingdom?

Li Guang is really hard to answer.

At present, Li Guang is the commander of the navy, army, and air force of the Haitang Kingdom, and although he has no other posts, that is because under the current situation, combat is still the first priority. If Li Guang hangs up the post of president or chief of the Tang Dynasty. You can't lead the army to fight.

However, as the de facto supreme leader of a country, it is impossible for Li Guang to do whatever he wants, or to insist on going his own way regardless of the opinions of his subordinates.

For example, at the beginning, Li Guang did not agree to let the government run some enterprises, but those enterprises that were extremely necessary could make money. But there is no private economy willing to take over. The private economy is too weak to be able to undertake it.

If it is given away in vain, it will not be justified at all, and it is impossible for either the government or the military to agree to it.

Don't expect everyone to be selfless, after so many years of war, Li Guang is not naïve. The butt determines the head, and in the minds of many people in the Maritime Resistance Army, the Haitang Kingdom was defeated by them, that is, theirs. This they refer to the military headed by Li Guang.

In the eyes of many people in the military, in order to attract immigrants and for long-term development, it is already very generous to give away fields for nothing. If the enterprise is given to businessmen for nothing, it will definitely arouse opposition within the military.

Some things have great inertia, and some developments are not subject to human will. Li Guang has always been conscientious, focusing his energy mainly on the war, and on the verge of life and death, Li Guang admits that he does not dare to be complacent. But once peace comes, and the government and the military dominate the situation, he can't really continue to ensure that his head is clear, he himself dare not say.

There is no suspicion in employing people, and there is no need for suspicious people. If this kind of maxim that stays at the level of human rule is placed at the national level, and man rules the world, the inevitable final result will be poisonous talent.

The government has done quite well so far, but as an advocate of the system theory, Li Guang feels that a set of supervision mechanisms must still be established. Without oversight, the saints will also go the wrong way.

Although Li Guang's understanding of politics has improved a lot in recent years, when it comes to governing the country, half a bottle of water is a praise for him. However, in the 21 st century, the Internet is developed, and although Li Guang does not know how to operate, he also knows that restraint and balance are the foundation of national politics.

The marriage law formulated by Yuan Ran caused Li Guang a lot of trouble, but it was this kind of trouble that reminded Li Guang.

It's time to enact a law, even if it's not possible, to start with a single law – such as the Press and Publications Law.

The power of the Federation of Workers, Peasants and Entrepreneurs is too weak, and it needs to add another force to balance the military and the government, and at the same time to supervise the government. While it certainly won't really balance for quite some time, it has to begin. The Press and Publication Law is one of the links that should be involved.

Li Guangzhen is worried that the foundation is uncertain now, and there will be irreversible risks in the future of the country's direction. In that case, it would really go wrong. And it's a big problem.

At the end of '42, Haitang began to hire legal experts from China, the United Kingdom, and the United States to formulate laws.

Let's talk about the ideal country in Li Guang's mind.

In Li Guang's mind, it doesn't matter what line a country takes, and even the system is not absolute. And he does not absolutely believe that the socialist system is inferior to the democratic system in the United States. It can be said that although Li Guang has more vision than this era for decades, he is still not sure what system is most suitable for the special case of the Haitang Kingdom.

The focus of Li Guang's thinking is to establish a national system that can renew itself, spit out the old and embrace the new, and be creative. As for the system of using a certain doctrine to inherently limit one's own exploration, it may be beneficial to the state at a certain stage. But in the long run, Li Guang believes that this is an obstacle to a strong country.

This system can be named by countless names, and perhaps XXISM with Haitang characteristics is also a good name. However, this system must have the ability to control itself and correct its mistakes, and the system or system must not be solidified.

All of the above is a long-term consideration. However, at present, within the government of the Haitang Kingdom, all parties have shown their strength. Hu Bofeng of the Ministry of Pioneer is the embodiment of the military power, Li Rulin of the Ministry of Immigration is the embodiment of the power of the government, and Su Maode of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce is the embodiment of the power of the people. As for the Ministry of Civil Affairs, it is actually nothing in the power structure. In short, the political situation is stable and there are no immediate worries.

(These chapters aren't exciting, but they're laborious to write.) Do you have any suggestions for guiding the flow of water? For the sake of such hard work, I beg for a reward. (To be continued......)