Immediately after the meeting with the Austrian ambassador, Shazonov personally consulted with the Chief of Staff, General Irushikvik, and proposed a partial mobilization of the Russian Army specifically against Austria-Hungary, such an announcement would serve as a warning to Germany and an effective threat to prevent Austria-Hungary from attacking Serbia.

At 11 o'clock in the morning, the chief of the General Staff called the head of the mobilization group of the General Staff and asked:

"Are you ready to announce the mobilization of our troops?"

When the mobilization chief replied in the affirmative, the chief of staff said,

"Within an hour, bring me all the documents concerning the preparation of our army for battle; If necessary, a partial mobilization against Austria-Hungary was announced. And it was demanded that after mobilization, Germany would not be given any pretext for taking hostile measures. ”

In fact, for Russia, it is impossible to announce partial mobilization in a short time. Because Russia had long believed that Germany would be involved in a war between Austria and Russia, Russia did not draw up a mobilization plan specifically for fighting against Austria.

At the same time, partial mobilization is not conducive to the development of events. Because if you don't have a strong strength to back it up, doing so will only cause the other party to despise you.

Partial mobilization was able to mobilize only 4 military districts: Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, Kazan. the armies of these 4 military districts, after mobilization; It is necessary to open to the border. But for an effective strike at Austria from the east and north, it was necessary for a part of the army to pass through the Warsaw Military District, and this would inevitably alarm Germany.

In addition, with the partial mobilization comes extreme chaos. Because part of the reserve of the Warsaw Military District had to be transferred from the Moscow and Kazan Military Districts, which were already partially mobilized. However, Shazonov, as well as Irushik Viki, who had just been inaugurated as Chief of the General Staff for a few months, understood these dangers and difficulties.

After talking to Chabali and making arrangements with Irushikviki, Shazonov rushed to the French Embassy to have lunch with the French Ambassador, Barry Rog, and the British Ambassador, Bouganan. Romanian Minister Diamandi was also invited. At this point, what he wanted to know more was their attitude.

At the banquet, Shazonov said to the guests.

"The actions taken by Austria-Hungary mean war, and I hope that Britain will declare union with France and Russia."

Then he added.

"The Austro-Hungarian action is a provocation to us, and many of the conditions it imposes are absolutely unacceptable; It would never have done so if it had not negotiated with Germany. ”

Then he told Buganan,

"During the visit of French President Poengačar to Russia, there was a complete agreement between France and Russia that France would not only give Russia strong diplomatic support, but also, if necessary, fulfill all the obligations imposed by the alliance."

Buganan replied.

"Your Excellency, I beg your pardon that I am not yet able to speak for the United Kingdom, but I may telegraph to Your Excellency the Prime Minister everything we have said."

He said this because he knew that if he made a declaration of solidarity on behalf of Britain, it would mean supporting Russia and France by force, and there was no hope. Because Britain had no direct stake in Serbia, British public opinion would never go to war for Serbia.

Noticing Buganan's hesitation, Shazonov explained.

"The Serbian problem is only part of the whole European problem, and Britain should not bury itself. In this case, in order to give voice to Russia and attract the attention of Austria-Hungary, Russia was necessitated to mobilize, but it would not be decided until a cabinet meeting had been held. ”

In response to Shazonov's answer, Buganan suggested euphemistically.

"Austria can be pressured to extend the deadline through diplomatic action by various countries."

But then the French ambassador Barry Rog replied,

"Time does not allow this. Austria is either making threats or is determined to act immediately. In either case, the only way to eliminate war is for us to adopt a strong and united attitude. ”

For his part, it was clear to Barlirog that Russia was an ally of France, and that what was more important for France was that Germany still occupied Lorraine and Alsace in France, that the humiliation of 1871 needed to be washed away, that the lost territories needed to be recovered, and that it was French, although there were more Germans there, and that it was French, although France had taken it from the Holy Roman Empire hundreds of years earlier.

At the ensuing banquet, Shazonov and Barry Rog pressed Buganan for a declaration of complete unity from the British, and Bouganan promised to telegraph to Sir Grey for a detailed report. He even expressed his personal opinion that Gray might make a tough proposal to Vienna and Berlin that an Austro-Hungarian attack on Serbia would endanger peace in Europe...... Moreover, if the war spreads to other countries, it will be difficult for Britain to remain neutral. ”,

Faced with such an answer, Shazonov still said dissatisfied.

"If war does break out, Britain will be involved sooner or later. If it does not fight with France and Russia now, it increases the likelihood of war, and thus plays an unpretty role. ”

Shazonov's answer and Barirog's insistence led Buganan to conclude in his heart that France and Russia would seem determined to take a tough stance even if Britain did not want to join the Russo-French alliance, but as a diplomat, he had no authority to answer for Britain, and he had no instructions from London.

Shazonov was frustrated that the Anglo-French-Russian union had not been won. He could not even go to the German ambassador, because he could not state the Russian policy, and he decided to consult with the ministers first.

So at 3 p.m., he left the lunch meeting of the French embassy and resumed the cabinet meeting.

At the meeting, he explained the current diplomatic situation, gave a number of reasons to persuade the military authorities to accept his partial mobilization plan. At the end of the meeting, the following resolutions were adopted:

(1) to liaise with the other Powers and to request that Austria extend a deadline in order to allow sufficient time for a detailed study of the "compilation of documents" on the events in Sarajevo, which Austria claims to be forthcoming;

(2) to advise Serbia not to resist by force and to leave its fate to the Great Powers as judge if Austria invades Serbian territory;

(3) to authorize the Minister of Defense and the Minister of the Navy to petition the Tsar for approval and, depending on the development of the situation, the mobilization of the four military districts of Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, Kazan and the Baltic and Black Sea fleets;

(4) Immediately replenish the materials for war readiness;

(5) Immediately withdraw the deposits deposited in Germany and Austria-Hungary.

After all this was arranged, Shazonov met with the German ambassador Podares at 7 p.m. to hear Germany's views on the ultimatum and the policy of "localization" of events.

When Podares defended Austria's actions in accordance with the instructions he had received, and argued that the dispute between Austria and Serbia should be "localized", that is, to be resolved by Austria and Serbia.

Shazonov was nervous about Podares' request, and he spoke with great force.

"It is impossible for Russia to agree that the Austro-Serbian dispute should be resolved by these two countries themselves."

At the same time, he argued in an extremely sharp tone.

"The Serbian promises mentioned by Austria-Hungary in the ultimatum were not made to Austria-Hungary alone, but to the Great Powers. Therefore, the question of whether Serbia fulfilled its promise was not a "localization" question, but a "European question", an "international question", and the assassination case should be tried by Europe, and Austria-Hungary could not be both a plaintiff and a judge. ”

Podares replied in a-for-tat manner.

"It is impractical to leave this issue to the trial of six countries. For what is the point of such a judicial process if Austria-Hungary's political friends are on one side and its enemies are on the other?"

Then he added.

"Germany will not allow its neighbors to accept the ruling of the European Supreme Court, which is composed of its rivals, and the monarchy should be united."

On July 25, an important cabinet meeting was held in Russia, which was attended by the Tsar. At the meeting, there was a fierce debate between the two factions that advocated and did not advocate "partial mobilization", but in the end the faction, represented by Foreign Minister Shazonov, won, and the tsar agreed to declare "partial mobilization".

"The mobilization order has been issued!"

After receiving the servant's report, Shazonov, who was pushing for partial mobilization, did not have a trace of joy on his face, but only a little melancholy, he got up and walked to the map, looked at the map hanging on the wall, and his eyes fell first on Austria-Hungary and Serbia, then on Germany, then on Russia, and finally, his eyes fell to the east, and his brow furrowed as he gazed at the east.

"China, what kind of statement will China make?"

At that moment, Shazonov made a decision in his heart that he should hold a meeting with the Chinese ambassador to Russia in the real sense, a meeting without any cover-up.

May China ......

At 3:26 a.m. on July 26, the Russian Chief of Staff, General Iluschikovi, gave the mobilization order.

"Partial mobilization throughout the territory of the European part of Russia."

In the era of "mobilization means war", Russia's unilateral announcement of partial mobilization undoubtedly further escalated the crisis.

At the first moment of the mobilization order, an Oriental man dressed in a suit came to the telegraph office of the St. Petersburg railway station, and he took a telegram from the telegraph operator, which was sent to a trading company in Nanjing, the capital of the Chinese Empire, and the content of the telegram was also very simple, only one sentence.

“crosstheRubicon！”

When the middle-aged telegraph man saw the contents of the telegram, he couldn't help but be stunned, maybe it was difficult for Russians to understand this sentence, but he was an Englishman, and he knew this sentence very well.

In 49 B.C., Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon River, and the war began, and history began to change, and the English often referred to "crosstheRubicon" as a military order.

Despite his curiosity, he didn't see anything unusual, but he sent such a telegram. As a telegrapher, he did not know what such a telegram would cause in the East, and he may have sent too many telegrams in his career, but in his memory he remembered such a simple and somewhat special telegram.

“crosstheRubicon!”