readx; The relationship between the national army and the Dian army is somewhat complicated, to a certain extent, the two have always maintained a tacit cooperative relationship, and even have a verbal alliance relationship in the face of the Beiyang Army's large-scale southward advance, but Chen Jingyun himself is unwilling to let the Dian army occupy Sichuan, and now the strength of the Yunnan army occupying Yunnan and Guizhou provinces is already considerable, if Sichuan is occupied, relying on Sichuan, a rich inland province, the strength of the Dian army will go to a higher level, and then it will not only be a huge threat to Beiyang, It is also a great threat to the National Army. But Chen Jingyun also did not want the Yunnan army to suffer a crushing defeat in Sichuan, consuming too much strength, and if the Yunnan army, whose strength was greatly reduced, could not withstand www.biquge.info the pressure of Beiyang, then the national army would have one less strong natural ally.

Under such a contradiction, Chen Jingyun agreed to continue military trade with Tang Jiyao and gave Tang Jiyao the most basic support for rifles and bullets.

However, although the Nationalist Army wants to keep a low profile, there are some things that cannot be kept low-key, such as Chen Jingyun, who is now in a chaotic first parliamentary election, and the Nationalist Army, which controls Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, Guangzhou and southern Jiangsu, has become the second largest military force in the country, and the Kuomintang is also a parliamentarian who controls these areas. How these MPs, who belong to the National Socialist Party, vote will be crucial.

Of course, it was decided to vote Yuan Shikai as president, but this was the main condition that Chen Jingyun used to exchange for the southeast Xuanfu envoy. But there is still a lot of suspense in this presidential position, the Kuomintang and the Republican Party, as well as the United Republican Party under the control of the Dian Army, are grinding their fists to control power in Congress, and even heard that the Kuomintang and the Republican Party have reached some kind of agreement to unite and form a cabinet together.

Of course, more importantly, the KMT's Soong Jiao-jen was bent on making the prime minister's cabinet system and limiting the president's power, and if the KMT controlled the Congress, the first thing to do was to implement the prime minister's cabinet system and turn Yuan Shikai or Sun Wen or anyone else into a puppet.

Therefore, in the upcoming congressional election, whether Yuan Shikai is president or not is not the main problem, but the so-called cabinet system or presidential system is the big problem.

Now the congressional election has not yet been completed, but the outcome can basically be predicted, and there is no doubt that the first largest party in the country will definitely be the Kuomintang, and the second or third position is worth discussing, either the Republican Party or the National Socialist Party, and the unified Republican Party in Yunnan and Guizhou will probably rank fourth. The rest of the chaotic parties are all rabble, and this is a rough ranking, but the exact number of seats each party occupies in Congress is unknown.

In the face of the vigorous first parliamentary election, although Chen Jingyun kept a low profile, the Kuomintang Socialist Party has become one of the top three parties in China, and this fact is a fact that Chen Jingyun cannot keep a low profile even if he wants to. As the date of the National Assembly was slowly approaching, the names of Chen Jingyun and the Kuomintang Socialist Party frequently appeared in the headlines of various newspapers, and as the main person in charge of the National Socialist Party, Qian Hanlang, secretary general of the Central Committee of the National Socialist Party, also became a prominent figure in the domestic political arena for a while.

Unlike Song Jiaoren, Song Jiaoren can be said to be a veritable revolutionary, who had already begun revolutionary activities in his early years, and had a deep understanding of party affiliation. But Qian Hanlang was a serious bureaucrat, and he was still a former Qing official before the Fuzhou Uprising. After Chen Jingyun's uprising in Fuzhou, he was also implicated, although he did not get any charges of gangsters or anything like that, but he was also dismissed and lost his errand, and later came to Fuzhou to defect to Chen Jingyun, originally just wanted to return to politics as an official. Although he didn't know anything about the party, he clearly grasped the core idea of Chen Jingyun's establishment of the party, that is, to control the army and the regime.

He was originally a senior bureaucrat, and after knowing what Chen Jingyun wanted to do, he also wanted to take office, so although he didn't know anything about the party before, he helped Chen Jingyun get out the framework of the National Socialist Party, and then he also contributed a lot to the expansion and development of the National Socialist Party, and successfully became the secretary general of the committee.

After having this capital, he Qian Hanlang is even more devoted to the study of the party, although he has not attended a new school, let alone stayed in school, but he did recruit a lot of talents who are familiar with party affairs, and then he also found many foreign related books to study, although he does not understand a foreign word, but he has raised several translators to translate this kind of books, and he has made himself a party affairs expert.

Speaking of party policy, the theory of nationalist superiority is even more set up, and then he wrote many theoretical articles for Chen Jingyun, and then tailored various theories for Chen Jingyun, and compiled a set of theoretical systems of the Kuomintang Socialist Party, Qian Hanlang's transformation can be said to be the most successful example of the former Qing officials.

However, although he has already taken on the name of a party affairs expert, in fact he does not believe in the set of things he has made, and like Chen Jingyun and other high-ranking members of the Kuomintang, they have a very thorough view of the theories of the National Socialist Party, that is, they use them.

Regardless of the nationalist superiority theory or other slogan theories put forward by the Nationalist Army, the vast majority of them were set for the sake of Chen Jingyun's personal authority and the development and rule of the Nationalist Army. Anyway, Qian Hanlang doesn't think that he is an elite of the Chinese nation, let alone that the Chinese nation is the so-called best nation in the world, so he must rule the world or something.

The essence of these things is very clear, that is, they are used for propaganda. If he is fooled by this set of things that he has made up blindly, it means that he is not a qualified party affairs expert.

Therefore, although the vast majority of the high-level members of the National Army have joined the National Socialist Party, and even some core figures are members of the Central Committee of the National Socialist Party, whether it is Ma Cheng or Anwarin, they do not understand the National Socialist Party, and some of them even do not understand it. In their view, the National Socialist Party is just a tool for domination and power struggle, and to really put itself in it is to put the cart before the horse.

Relatively speaking, it was some middle- and lower-level officials and military officers who were the most staunch believers and supporters of the National Socialist Party. Of course, in a few years, when the Kuomintang has matured, and even when the Kuomintang reunifies China and the Kuomintang becomes the ruling party in China, those middle- and lower-level officers and officials will gradually rise to power, and at that time, there will be staunch believers in the Kuomintang at the top of the national army system.

Well, it's too early.

This point is very similar to the Kuomintang, many gentry who were dragged by Song Jiaoren to join the Kuomintang know what the Kuomintang is, they only need to know that the Kuomintang is the largest party. As for faith, it doesn't matter what they say, if they really believe it, it's unlikely.

In the final analysis, the development of political parties in China is still too slow, and political parties are more like a combination of old interests of relatives and friends. Even the Kuomintang cannot escape from this limitation, and although the Kuomintang has put forward a complete theoretical system, it will take a long time before it can truly become a modern party.

However, it is undeniable that Qian Hanlang has gradually become an important figure in domestic politics with the development and growth of the National Socialist Party, and in terms of prestige and reputation in China, Qian Hanlang is much stronger than a large group of generals and officials of the National Army.

Fujian and Zhejiang provinces are okay, speaking of Chen Jingyun, others will still know Ma Cheng and Zheng Zuyin. But in other provinces in China, Qian Hanlang, who frequently appears in newspapers, is obviously more well-known. In the domestic officialdom, there are many people who know Zheng Zuyin and Hong Zitai, and there are many people in the domestic and even in the domestic military circles who know Ma Cheng and Shen Gang, who is known as the number one general under Chen Jingyun, but based on the special surname of the National Army, senior officers are transferred frequently, and they have the same huge political influence as other warlords in China, especially those generals under the Beiyang Army. For example, Feng Guozhang, he is recognized as the second person in Beiyang, and he has great political influence when he speaks, but not many people care about what Shen Gang, who also holds military power, said.

Ordinary people don't even know the name Shen Gang, and when they mention the National Army, they only know Chen Jingyun.

Comparatively speaking, Qian Hanlang, who was in charge of the main affairs of the National Socialist Party and regularly published various slogans and theories in the newspapers, was much more well-known among ordinary people in the country.

Even many people think that Qian Hanlang and even Chen Jingyun are the second person.

This superficial phenomenon is somewhat strange, when it comes to real power, ten Qian Hanlang is not as good as those generals who hold great power in the national army, even if Zheng Zuyin and Hong Zitai are civil officials in the national army system are much more important than Qian Hanlang, but Qian Hanlang's prestige in the country is much higher than theirs, and even once able to compare with Song Jiaoren.

This prestige is big and the real power is similar to Song Jiaoren, don't look at Song Jiaoren in charge of the Kuomintang, but in the revolutionary party system of Anhui and Jiangxi provinces, he still has no real power, there is Sun Wen above, and the real power below is Huang Xing, Li Junlie, Bai Wenwei also holds two divisions in his hands.

The development of the Kuomintang made Qian Hanlang infinitely beautiful, and for a time he became one of the famous politicians in the early Republic of China, and Chen Jingyun, who was the chairman of the Kuomintang Socialist Party, the commander-in-chief of the National Army, and the southeastern propaganda envoy, was even more prestigious.

So in this first congressional election, although Chen Jingyun didn't want to show up too much, public opinion still sent him to the cusp.

It's just that Chen Jingyun doesn't care much about these, he is a very practical person, the current parliamentary election is all false, even if the National Socialist Party becomes the largest party in the Congress, what can it do, it is not a false head, Yuan Shikai can dissolve the National Assembly casually, and in the end, he still has to rely on the strength of the National Army to speak.

Therefore, although the congressional election has been in full swing recently, Chen Jingyun, except for a few concerns, has devoted most of his time to handling internal affairs, such as opposing [***], developing industry and commerce, running industries, etc., and of course, the most important military affairs.

Now he goes to the Guard Division or the Ninth Division stationed in Fuzhou every three days, and is concerned about the training of the troops, especially the Ninth Division, which is newly formed and equipped with American artillery.