On January 6, 41, President Franklin D. Roosevelt pledged that the United States would serve as an arsenal of democracies and would support those who fought for four freedoms: freedom of speech and belief, freedom from want and fear. He also proposed that the United States should not lend money to Britain, but should provide weapons and not pay until after the end of the war.

"We can't, and we're not going to tell them, that they can only surrender because they can't buy the weapons we know they must have," Roosevelt said. ”

And President Roosevelt therefore did not recommend to Congress that loans to Britain and the Allies that had to be repaid in dollars. The implication is that the loan can not be repaid.

Washington, January 10. The U.S. Congress began studying the Lend-Lease Act.

President Roosevelt was about to receive congressional authorization, which became known as the Lend-Lease Act.

Although this bill is still being discussed, it has already attracted the attention of all parties around the world. Li Guang was naturally extremely concerned. He knew very well that no country in the future would pay back. For the Haitang Kingdom and the Naval Resistance Army, the primary issue is obvious--- how to get loans and supplies from the United States.

Yuan Ran arrived in the Gulf of Aden, but never came to Somalia. One is that because this is a battlefield, Li Guang is unwilling to take risks with beauties, and the other is that Yuan Ran wants to accompany his old father, Premier Yuan Ye.

But on this day, the father and daughter came to Gandala together. Li Guang has always been very worried about this situation. It's okay for him to face Yuan Ran or Yuan Ye alone, but when the prospective father-in-law and daughter come together, Li Guang is a little drumming in his heart, the key is that he is still wavering, for Su Zizi and Yuan Ran, his heart is inseparable.

Yuan Ye first told Li Guang about a few ordinary official affairs, such as recruiting some literati with vivid writing, and now the documentary literature "The Naval Resistance Army in Dunkirk" has been completed. In addition, Professor Yuan plans to hype up the fierce battle between the Naval Resistance Army and the Japanese fleet in the Arabian Sea to build momentum for the Naval Resistance Army.

Professor Yuan also made a report on the development of business. The merchants who were attached to the Naval Resistance Army had now become large-scale, no longer the dozens of people Su Maode had brought to the Stone Statue Island, but thousands of merchants of all sizes. In their logic, there is a deterrent from the Navy, and trade between South America and the country is guaranteed. The trade group organized by Sumud is now able to organize more than 10,000 tons of goods trade every month, which is definitely not the result of Summod's own financial strength, but the joint efforts of many businessmen.

The growth of the merchant group is not only reflected in this aspect, the dozens of old-fashioned transport planes ordered by Li Guang in the United States are commercial flights cooperated by Su Maode and Chiang's wife Soong Mei-ling. From this point, we can see how powerful a closed country can be once it has a secure commercial channel.

Although the freighters owned by Sumoud's business group are not of high grade, they are all cheap ships similar to guano ships, but their displacement has exceeded 50,000 tons. That's a lot of money.

If the Maritime Resistance Army can give these businessmen hope of making a fortune, then the help of their funds should definitely not be underestimated. Li Guang really underestimated Chinese merchants in the past, and once there was a relatively safe and secure trade route, the power of the merchants was incomparably great. Li Guang racked his brains and couldn't think of any commodities that China could export, but in the eyes of these businessmen, it was not a problem at all, and of course one or two commodities could not support the scale of the economy, but millions of small commodities had gathered into a surging merchant river and were rushing forward. China exports not only goods, but also a wide range of catering and service industries. In Uruguay, there are already hundreds of small restaurants or massage and wellness shops that are thriving. Unknowingly, Uruguay has two more industries that are almost monopolized by the Chinese. One is the wood industry and the other is the construction industry.

The organizational ability of businessmen is incomparable to Li Guang alone, and since the turmoil in Uruguay in March 40, the development of Chinese in Uruguay has flourished.

Merchants have found the most suitable industries for Chinese development in Uruguay, such as wood industry and construction. They began to go to the South Seas in large numbers through various channels in the form of villagers leading villagers and relatives to relatives, and then rushed to Uruguay through the merchant ships of the Maritime Resistance Army. Don't underestimate this way of disseminating information, and don't underestimate this kind of population transfer based on trust between villagers and relatives. This model is gradually showing its power.

By the end of the 40s, the total number of Chinese in Uruguay had exceeded 80,000, and it was still increasing rapidly. You must know that these 80,000 people are now able to live and work. That's a remarkable achievement. If you only rely on the mainstream propaganda of the Oolong Shipyard or the Maritime Resistance Army, it is impossible to reach this level.

You must know that in this era, at least half of the Chinese live within a radius of 50 miles all their lives. In a village in the countryside, a farmer who has never been to a county seat dozens of miles away in his life is definitely not a joke. If there was no war and no famine, these peasants, who had no education and no knowledge, would never have left their homeland. Not to mention traveling tens of thousands of miles to the other side of the globe to make a living.

Through the joint efforts of businessmen, the Tangcheng Development Zone has gradually been enriched, and the tentacles of the Chinese economy have begun to spread to all corners of Uruguay. In time, these people will surely become the economic backing of the Naval Resistance Army. Of course, in the current formal investment period, it is difficult to have decent returns for a while.

Professor Yuan is not only the prime minister of the government, but also in charge of foreign affairs, and he now knows more about the form of South America than Li Guang.

After months of calm between Peru and Bolivia and Chile, tensions are again in the making, and there are signs of a big fight.

The tone of the war between them has already been set by the Naval Resistance Army, and the Naval Resistance Army will not directly participate in the war unless the two sides fight to the point of dying.

However, the situation between Peru and Bolivia is once again tense, and if there is a reason for this, it has a lot to do with the Naval Resistance Army. The battle in the Arabian Sea between the Naval Resistance Army and the Japanese Army was preached all over the world. The Japanese side claimed a big victory. The propaganda of the Naval Resistance Army was obviously inferior to that of the Japanese army, after all, until now, the news of the sinking of the Japanese battleship Kirishima by Pixiu No. 1 has not yet spread. Pixiu No. 1 was not able to take a picture during the battle, even a single photo.

The strength of the Naval Resistance Force was greatly damaged, and the Chilean Navy received three warships repaired and renovated from Japan, and even spent a lot of money to buy two old cruisers from Japan. In short, with the battleships, the Chilean Navy is now tough again. He even took the initiative to start putting pressure on Peru and Bolivia.

However, the two sides are only building momentum and have not yet started fighting, and this situation is not the focus of attention of the naval resistance forces for the time being.

Professor Yuan mentioned a new situation that is the focus of today's talks.

Now a new situation has emerged in Uruguay. The Morgan consortium of the United States negotiated a deal with Oolong Bank. The Morgan consortium promised a loan of $50 million for Oolong Shipyard, but asked for a capital injection of $10 million, or 51 percent of Oolong's shares.

Li Guang can see it, and Professor Yuan can see it even more. This is not just a business ploy of the Morgan consortium, and it would simply not be possible without the national strategy of the United States behind such a big move.

You must know that Oolong Bank is the largest bank in Uruguay, and it has developed rapidly in the past six months or so, with branches not only in Uruguay, but also in Buenos Aires, Argentina and São Paulo, Brazil. More than $25 million in deposits have been absorbed.

Despite the magnitude of the achievement, it is definitely not what Americans value. Because as long as a shrewd businessman can see, Oolong Bank is not a bank in the normal sense of the word, he is actually the financing institution of Oolong Shipyard and Tangcheng Development Zone.

And for these two investments, Oolong Shipyard has no raw material advantages, no technical advantages, and no complete industrial chain support, and there is only one reason why it can make money - war. Li Guang started as early as three or seven years, and after four years of investment, it really took effect at this moment.

The real estate industry in the Tangcheng Development Zone, without a steady stream of European immigrants, would not even have a market, let alone make money. It also has only one foothold--- war.

Perhaps the operation mode of Oolong Bank and Oolong Shipyard can bluff a group of Uruguayans and South American tycoons, and they will definitely not escape the eyes of American bankers, especially top conglomerates like Morgan.

It can be said that the money-making model of the Oolong Group can be easily copied by the Americans, and it may take some time, but there is no technical difficulty.

The reason why the Morgan consortium is investing is that Americans certainly see the value behind it. Because the Oolong Bank and the Oolong Shipyard have actually controlled the lifeblood of Uruguay's economy, if the Oolong Shipyard fails, it will definitely cause the overall political turmoil in Uruguay. On the other hand, controlling the Oolong bloc can affect the direction of international politics in Uruguay as a whole.

Some of the practices of the Americans in later generations have now taken shape. They have now come to the realization of an expansion model in which the state supports the businessmen and the businessmen earn benefits for the state. This is exactly the kind of national strategy that the United States has been in vogue for decades after World War II.

After a thorough analysis, it is clear that the Americans want to control Uruguay at a cost of 10 million dollars.

Business is so scary. A bank with only $25 million in deposits on the surface will not have more than $5 million in fixed assets, and the Americans want to get 51 percent of the shares for $10 million. It is said that this is a good business, but after analysis, it can be seen that for such 10 million US dollars, the Americans can control the Oolong Bank, control the Oolong Shipyard, control the Tangcheng Development Zone, and thus control the whole of Uruguay.

The value of Oolong Bank lies in the fact that it is the best bridge to control Uruguay, the best entry point. Americans now want to enter this market and re-establish a bank, not that they can't. But the problem is that banks are all tricks of doing business with reputation, and Oolong Group has now formed a complete business model, and this business model can be seen and touched, and it is extremely persuasive to the people.

Since the Morgan consortium has proposed a big business worth $60 million, this business is equivalent to $3 billion in the 21st century (in fact, it is more than that). Small business may be up to the task, but this kind of big business is really a negotiation between countries. Don't you see that the Americans will only lend $25 million to China's tung oil once? Therefore, Yuan Ye must come out.

This was crucial for the Naval Resistance Forces, even beyond the trade agreement with Germany.

Li Guang has always wanted to have a relationship with the upper echelons of the United States, but in practice, it is not easy to operate, and there is a lack of a springboard, and the Morgan consortium is fully qualified for this. Without this springboard, Li Guang would not have been able to get loans and materials from the United States for the Lend-Lease project.

Although Professor Yuan did not know that the funds of the Lend-Lease Act after the war were almost non-repayment, he was also well aware of how important it was for the Haitang Kingdom and the Naval Resistance Army to be able to borrow.

The two quickly agreed on a plan on this issue.

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