After Za Yugang finished briefing on the diplomatic situation, the meeting entered the topic of leadership. 【Full Text Reading】......

Although military issues were involved, it was not Pei Chengyi who was responsible for briefing the situation. In fact, since he was elected vice minister of the country, Pei Chengyi no longer cares about specific affairs in the army. With Yuan Chenhao concurrently serving as the chief of staff of the army at the beginning of the year, Pei Chengyi became the shopkeeper and was only responsible for the overall strategy. Trivial matters are left to the General Staff and the Ministry of Defense. According to the military mechanism of the republic, Yuan Chenhao is by no means the only one who plays the leading role in the army. And he can't do everything alone. At the end of June, before Yan Jingyu left office, according to Pei Chengyi's intentions, he promoted Yang Shaoyong and a group of young generals brought out by Pei Chengyi himself. It is precisely like this, by the end of July, when Pei Chengyi took office. This group of generals has become familiar with the work situation and has taken on the heavy burden.

In other words, before Pei Chengyi took the oath of office, the military concubines of the republic were under his control.

Of course, there is no way to do it.

A very critical issue is involved here, that is, the status of Yuan Chenhao, a group of senior generals over the age of Tian, in the republican ** team.

As we all know, Yuan Chenhao is not Pei Chengyi's descendant. From the perspective of relationship, Yuan Chenhao was single-handedly promoted and cultivated by Xiang Linghui. Except that he became famous later than Pei Chengyi and Pei Chengyi, there is not much difference between him and Pei Chengyi in other aspects, and the two are more like "senior brothers." Rather than "superiors and subordinates". It is precisely like this, after the war in India, Pei Chengyi was forced to leave the General Staff, and after a few years "incognito." life. Yuan Chenhao is majestic in the South Asian theater. There is a posture of the back waves of the Yangtze River pushing the front waves.

At that time, some people thought that the cooperative relationship between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao would not last long, either when Pei Chengyi made a comeback again, or when Yuan Chenhao became a blockbuster, the two would part ways. One of them will become an immortal general in the history of the republic, and the other is destined to fall under the wheels of history.

Although this was not the case, Bae Seung-yi made a comeback and became a mainstay during the Middle East war. Yuan Chenhao was not too affected. On the contrary, new achievements have been achieved, but everyone knows that after the Middle East war, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao did part ways, one devoted himself to political achievements, and the other strengthened the foundation in the army. The problem is that the military is a continuation of politics. The military is also a tool in the hands of politicians. It can be seen that the contradiction between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao has not only not been resolved because of this, but has intensified, and some people even believe that when the contradiction between the two becomes irreconcilable, it will rewrite the history of the republic.

At the end of the year, a number of U.S. intelligence agencies and a number of consulting agencies made judgments that with Pei Chengyi's increasing influence in the political circles of the republic, and Yuan Chenhao's status in the republican ** team has increased rapidly, there is a possibility of political turmoil in the republic in the year of smelting, year and year, among which the risk of smelting year and year is the greatest, and the year of smelting is the most. That's true. The United States must make the most of this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. Among the American strategic experts who drafted the relevant report, some even believed that this was the only chance for the United States to defeat the Republic in the leading century.

It is precisely because of this that from the beginning of the bow, the US intelligence agencies regarded Yuan Chenhao as the main "work object".

According to the intelligence obtained by the Military Intelligence Agency, only before the year of the dish, Si tried to rebel against Yuan Chenhao three times. even did not hesitate to make Yuan Chenhao treason by planting blame. One of the most representative. It is to be born. Shi Nian and Yuan Chenhao's families were involved in the "Guangzhou Ruixing Company's commercial bribery case, if it weren't for the military intelligence bureau's deployment. With the relevant evidence of Tian Yishou's plot to scrape the case, even if Yuan Chenhao would not be treasonous because of this, he would announce his retirement that year. All in all, the intelligence agencies of the United States have almost reached the point of unscrupulous means in order to achieve their goals.

Of course, the spearhead of the United States is not only aimed at Yuan Chenhao, but also at Pei Chengyi.

Before the general election, there were rumors in society that Pei Chengyi had a close relationship with the major arms enterprises of the Republic and had private dealings with the Lin family. Fortunately, the Military Intelligence Agency made arrangements ahead of schedule. And with the support of Yan Jingyu, targeted propaganda was carried out at the end of the calendar, otherwise it would be almost impossible for Pei Chengyi to become the vice minister in charge of national security affairs in the year.

The problem is that regardless of whether there are external factors or not, the contradiction between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Wuhao is there, and no one can deny it.

Speaking realistically, this is not a contradiction between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao, but a contradiction between the old and new generations of soldiers.

Although as early as the old year, Pei Chengyi left the army and participated in national politics as a politician. And during his tenure as Minister of Defense, Deputy Prime Minister for Security and Vice Minister of State, he showed all the talents that an excellent politician should have, but in the eyes of many people, especially in the eyes of the republican ** people, Pei Chengyi's first identity is still the number one general of the republic, and he is the victorious general who led the republican ** team to the south and never tasted defeat. If you insist on determining Pei Chengyi's identity as a politician and military strategist, it would be too far-fetched. In any case, no one can deny Pei Chengyi's status in the hearts of soldiers and his influence in the army. One could even say. In addition to the founding fathers, Pei Chengyi is the country most supported by soldiers in the history of the Republic

If Pei Chengyi must be given a position in the army, then he must be Xiang Linghui's successor.

Although some people believe that the highest position Pei Chengyi has held in the army is only the chief of the operations department of the General Staff. It's not as good as Xiang Linghui at all, or even as good as Lin Xiaolei, but objectively speaking. Even if Pei Chengyi did not serve as chief of the General Staff. After becoming Minister of Defense, his status has passed that of Chief of the General Staff. If the impact of military reform is counted, that is, the General Staff has been downgraded from an independent military command organization to one of the military institutions under the Ministry of National Defense, and it is Pei Chengyi who has completed this reform, then Pei Chengyi's status in the republican ** team is not only past Lin Xiaolei, but even Xiang Linghui, who cultivated him. Because when he did these things, Pei Chengyi's key identity was the Minister of National Defense, so many people counted military reform in his political achievements, but they did not expect that this was also a military achievement.

Since Pei Chengyi is a military commander like Xiang Linghui, he has to train a group of subordinates.

Just like when Xiang Linghui ignored Peng Maobang's opposition and reused a group of young officers such as Pei Chengyi. Before leaving the army, Pei Chengyi focused on cultivating a group of young officers, the most representative of which was Yang Shaoyong, Hu Jing'an, Long Hongen and a group of young generals who participated in the Indian War and followed Yu Nanmeng's war after that. Compared with Yuan Chenhao, the biggest feature of these young generals is that they have no direct relationship with Xiang Linghui. Take Yang Shaoyong as an example, although during the Indian War, Xiang Linghui was still the chief of the General Staff. But it was not Xiang Linghui who transferred him to the General Staff and arranged him to the front command, but Pei Chengyi. Exactly. Yang Shaoyong, a group of young generals, can be regarded as Pei Chengyi's subordinates.

The problem is that some of Pei Chengyi's actions are very incomprehensible.

Until the year, after becoming the vice minister of the state in charge of security affairs, Pei Chengyi did not focus on promoting Yang Shaoyong and others, and even let Dongfang Wen, who had followed him for many years, leave the Ministry of Defense and go to the vice president's mansion. Ordinary secretary. Although some people think that Pei Chengyi is using this to avoid suspicion, after all, as the number two leader of the country, in the case that Yan Jingyu is not very proficient in military affairs and has a close relationship with the army, if Pei Chengyi focuses on cultivating his subordinates, it will not only arouse Yan Jingyu's suspicion, but also be opposed by many government officials.

But at that time, Yan Jingyu had already identified Pei Chengyi as the next president of the republic, and expressed support for any decision made by Pei Chengyi on many occasions. Otherwise, Pei Chengyi's military reform would not have ended smoothly, so there was no resistance from Yan Jingyu.

According to the situation at that time, the biggest problem was likely to be Yuan Chenhao's body.

As everyone knows, after Lin Xiaolei, the chief of the General Staff has already existed in name only, the power of the General Staff has been handed over to the Ministry of National Defense, and the power of several functional chiefs has passed over the chief of the General Staff. In other words, since the beginning of the knife year, Yuan Chenhao has become the leader of the General Staff. It can be seen from this that if Pei Chengyi vigorously promotes his subordinates in the positions of vice premier of security and vice minister of the country, he will inevitably suppress Yuan Chenhao, causing the two to break up completely. As long as Pei Chengyi is still a person who has a sense of the overall situation and puts the overall situation as the priority in everything, he will not touch Yuan Chenhao's cake at this time.

In fact, Pei Chengyi not only did not touch Yuan Chenhao's cake, but also thought about Yuan Chenhao everywhere.

In the second half of the calendar year, the matter of the selection of the chief of the General Staff was put on the agenda. According to the rules set by Wang Yuanqing that year, the chief of the general staff will be held by the chiefs of staff of the various services in turn, and the chief of staff of the heavenly army should be appointed in the next year. The problem is that when Wang Yuanqing set this rule, the Heavenly Army had not yet become an independent army. Other words. Whether the Chief of Staff of the Celestial Forces is qualified to serve as Chief of the General Staff is controversial. In a different environment, this might not be a big deal. The problem is that if the Celestial Army is excluded, then the next Chief of the General Staff will come from the Army, and the most promising one is Yuan Chenhao. At that time, Yan Jingyu's attitude was that the chief of staff of the Heavenly Army should concurrently serve as the chief of the General Staff, and he recognized the status of the Heavenly Army. This is understandable, after all, Yan Jingyu is Wang Yuanqing's descendant. More importantly, judging from the situation at the time, Yan Jingyu is likely to want to suppress Yuan Chenhao and pave the way for Pei Chengyi to become the head of the country. As a result, Pei Chengyi did not approve of this, but believed that the decision-making body of the General Staff should be formed by the chiefs of staff of the four major services and the two independent arms in accordance with the guidelines of the new round of military reform, and the chief of the general staff should be elected internally. Because Yuan Chenhao's qualifications and merits are there, according to this method, he can only be the chief of the General Staff, so Pei Chengyi did this. It is clear that he is supporting Yuan Chenhao.

It is precisely because of this that at the beginning of the second year, Yuan Chenhao was successively appointed as Chief of Staff and Chief of General Staff of the Army.

Of course, Pei Chengyi didn't get nothing. At Yan Jingyu's repeated insistence, Yang Shaoyong, Hu Jingan, Long Hongen, and others all took up important posts in the Ministry of National Defense.

Affected by this, many people believe that Pei Chengyi made a deal with Yuan Chenhao.

In any case, by this time, the contradictions between the old and new generations of military personnel of the republic had surfaced.

Although he has only been in office for half a year, with his previous experience as the head of the Operations Division, Yuan Chenhao is already considered to be the first person in the "Zhongxing General Staff". In fact, many of Yuan Chenhao's actions after becoming chief of the General Staff also make people think that he really wants to restore the status of the General Staff. Make it the number one military institution of the republic, and not just a military command body under the Ministry of Defense.

, doubtful, Yuan Chenhao did it. Inevitably, the Seventh General Staff and the Ministry of Defense

If 2o years ago, this would not have been a problem, after all, the external threat faced by the republic was not strong, but in the case of a world war, internal friction of any nature could lead to unimaginable consequences. Not to mention anything else, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao are both talented generals, and both have the ability to command, if the General Staff is revived, who will command the republican ** team during the war?

The problem is that until the end of July, these issues will have to be put on hold.

Although according to the situation at the time, Yan Jingyu thought about intervening in person, but as the outgoing state minister, unless Yan Jingyu wanted to break the rules set since Ji Youguo and wanted to intervene in the political situation after retirement, he could only leave this issue to Pei Chengyi. Of course, as the incumbent national leader, Yan Jingyu can do some foreshadowing for Pei Chengyi, such as putting Pei Chengyi's subordinates in important positions.

It must be admitted. Pei Chengyi is indeed a talented commander.

Although in the eyes of many people, Pei Chengyi is a veritable victorious general, but objectively speaking. Putting aside the difference between military and politics, Pei Chengyi's most outstanding talent is the ability to recognize and employ people.

Compared with Pei Chengyi, what Yuan Chenhao lacks is this talent.

From this point of view, Yuan Chenhao did not pose a threat to Pei Chengyi at all. In other words. Even if Pei Chengyi retreated 10,000 steps, with Yuan Chenhao's talent in the new year, he would not be able to sit in Pei Chengyi's position, let alone replace Pei Chengyi. In this way, Pei Chengyi not only has no reason to suppress Yuan Chenhao, but should use Yuan Chenhao. For this reason, Pei Chengyi's first thing to do is to let Yuan Chenhao show his edge, so that the outside world thinks that the republic will be at odds.

It can be said that when Pei Chengyi did this, it showed that he had become a real politician.

Looking a little deeper, the so-called contradiction between the old and new generations of soldiers is actually a non-existent thing.

It is undeniable that a large number of young generals such as Yang Shaoyong are indeed aggressive, but these young generals want to become the mainstay of the republican team. It's still early. Not to mention anything else, taking Yang Shaoyong as an example, even if he is an army general, if he wants to challenge Yuan Chenhao, Su Jinhui and other generals of the older generation, he still lacks a necessary condition, that is, the merit of commanding the republican ** team and winning a war. You know, in the army, it's not about connections, it's about strength. For generals, the unified conquest is a direct manifestation of strength. After Pei Chengyi took off his military uniform, no one could surpass his influence in the army, because he had merits that others did not have. As everyone knows. Yuan Chenhao's military exploits are second only to Pei Chengyi, and even Su Jinhui is a lot worse than him. It can be seen that if Yang Shaoyong and others want to overtake Yuan Chenhao, they will have to wait for at least several years, and try to emerge in the next war.

It is clear that the older generation of generals is still the mainstay of the republican ** team, and the younger generation can only be regarded as pillars at best.

From this point of view, we can better understand Pei Chengyi's good intentions. With the situation at that time, if Pei Chengyi was like Yan Jingyu and suppressed Yuan Chenhao everywhere, it would only have the opposite effect. That is, the younger generation of generals took advantage of the difficulties to provoke contradictions within the army and make the army chaotic. Everyone is at risk. Clearly supporting Yuan Chenhao, and supporting Yuan Chenhao everywhere, will not only not lead to infighting in the army, but will make the army become orderly and let everyone focus on national affairs.

This alone is enough to prove that Pei Chengyi is definitely an unborn commander.

It's just that what makes people even more incomprehensible is that Pei Chengyi didn't take advantage of such a good opportunity. In other words, before taking the oath of office as the head of the country, Pei Chengyi did not take advantage of the privileges given by Yan Jingyu and only did what the vice president should do. That is, there has been no major adjustment to the personnel arrangements of the army, and the right to transfer personnel has always been the prerogative of Yuan. In this way, after becoming the national president, Pei Chengyi still has to face a lot of things. Of course. Pei Chengyi's attitude is not difficult to understand, as a soldier, he naturally puts discipline in the highest position. Arguably. Decades of military life. left too many traces on Pei Chengyi's body, making him seem out of place with other politicians. It is precisely because of this that Bae Chengyi gives people a new feeling, and he won the election with a vague support rate, becoming the first since Zhao Rundong. The second army general to live in the Yuan Mansion.

Fortunately, the administrative work in the old years allowed Pei Chengyi to learn a lot of things that he could not learn in the army.

Prior to that; Pei Chengyi, in his capacity as vice president of the state, has made arrangements and adjustments to the work of a number of generals, including Yuan Chenhao and Yang Shaoyong, that is, Yuan Chenhao is in charge of the overall planning of the war and has drawn up a detailed and perfect war plan." Yang Shaoyong and others assisted in the capacity of officials of the Ministry of National Defense. And responsible for liaising with other parts to solve equipment production, material mobilization and other problems related to other industries and fields.

Exactly. There was no chaos in the meeting.

According to Pei Chengyi's arrangement, Yuan Xi's assistant Dongfang Wen first gave a general introduction to the military preparations, then Yang Shaoyong and other officials of the Ministry of National Defense gave a detailed introduction, and finally Yuan Chenhao came forward to give a detailed introduction to the war plan and the specific circumstances related to the war.