On the other side of the world, it's the morning of May 10. At 7:33 a.m., Hasegawa's Morse code—Heaven forbid, the Japanese Army's prosecutors disdained to examine it—was received by the Chinese interceptors, and Chen Shao was immediately given the telegram.

Since this was not an official response, Chen Shao was not unsure that Japan would indeed surrender immediately. Five atomic bombs, if Japan does not surrender unconsciously, Chen Shao will not stop.

Japan must surrender, even if it bears the stigma of being a butcher. This is what Chen Shao has always emphasized to himself.

And then there's the United States.

In terms of personal feelings, Chen Shao also hoped that the United States and Japan would join Japan in making an unconditional surrender to China on the premise that China had put forward conditions. Because Chen Shao never thought of a large-scale attack on the American mainland. One Alaska is enough, because one Alaska has already sent China more than two million troops for this. In the event of a complete attack on the US mainland, China would have to send at least more than 6 million troops, according to the estimates of the troops assembled on the US mainland.

Six million troops are still an expedition across the hemisphere, and the price China has to pay for this is too great. It's just more than worth the loss.

Therefore, the easy first and then the difficult is Chen Shao's best choice. Defeat the easiest opponents, and then put the most effort into dealing with the stronger enemies.

The best outcome is naturally to hope that the United States can surrender unconditionally and accept all the terms of China's surrender.

If Japan officially signs the instrument of surrender, and the United States is still slow to respond. Then Chen Shao could only come up with extreme measures again, in order to overwhelm the last hope of the United States.

Strategic Strike Force of the 2nd Artillery Corps. All the preparations are made. Waiting for Chen Shao's final order to be issued, whether or not to launch a nuclear strike on the United States depends on the attitude of the United States after Japan's surrender.

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Japan.

The more General Anan reminisced about the events of the past thirty-six hours, the more indignant he felt at Koiso Kuni, Showa Togo. On the morning of 11 May, after practicing archery in the garden, he complained to his secretary Hayashi Saburo Osaku about his dissatisfaction with the prime minister on his way to his office.

Once at the office, he was confronted by five or six more officers, including his brother-in-law, Nakasa Takeshita, who were making a fuss there. In this way, his dissatisfaction was concretized: the Imperial Council was held in such a hurry. Only Togo was ready to make a proposal to the emperor in advance: and. Why did Baron Hiranuma attend that meeting? Anan left the office with the impression in his mind that the attendees had been manipulated into agreeing to surrender.

These accusations were vaguely stated, but they instigated the opposition within the Army to commit another "down-and-down" operation. In the Army Ministry. Twenty opposition elements have been secretly assembled. A coup d'état is planned. As a high-ranking officer. Takeshita warned them that if they did so, they would be punished by death. He suggested that the emperor should first be distinguished from those who encouraged him to sue for peace. Then he sought Anan's support and asked him to go to the emperor

Keep the fight going. Fighting a tough battle, a decisive battle, on the soil would inflict so great losses on the Chinese that it would be possible to arrange a decent peace. If not, they will go into the mountains to fight guerrillas and carry on the war.

The conspirators enthusiastically accepted the plan. They would use troops stationed in Tokyo to surround the Imperial Palace, cut off communications, occupy radio stations, newspaper offices, and buildings of major government departments, and then arrest "Bagdolio-esque" such as Koiso Kuniaki, Togo, and Kido.

Takeshita was confident that Anan would eventually join them, and then brought Umezu in. At that time, two local commanders in Tokyo, Lieutenant General Takeshi Mori, commander of the Guards Division, and Senior General Shizuichi Tanaka, commander of the Eastern Military District, had to cooperate with them.

With the Army Chief of Staff and the Army Prime Minister supporting the coup, they would not have failed, as in 1936 when a handful of officers briefly occupied Tokyo. This will essentially be an army operation. They will act legitimately in the interests of the country under the command of the Supreme Commander.

This notion of so-called legitimacy is a misinterpretation of Professor Hiraizumi's teachings. Hiraizumi had an immeasurable influence in the officer corps. In 1926, when he was only thirty-one, he became an associate professor at Tokyo Imperial University. His main interest was in Japanese history, and his main goal was to maintain the spirit of the leaders of the Meiji era. When the communist ideology of Soviet Russia swept the campus, he set up a "Qingqing School" to compete with it. The essence of his teachings is that each country has its own traditions, history, and morals, and that other countries must respect these differences. He taught that Japanese society was built on absolute loyalty and obedience to parents, national treasures, and the emperor. "Qingqing" later developed into a supranationalist school, with Shinto as its bones, Confucianism as its flesh, and bushido as its blood.

Hiraizumi's short, thin, and mild-tempered temper suited him as a history professor, but he made a dramatic appearance when he first lectured at the Army Noncommissioned Officer Academy. Wearing a saber, he strode onto the podium. He laid the knife to his side and spoke softly, using neither his hands nor facial expressions to enhance the effect. His fiery sincerity made the young officers present at that time, and every time since, feel like they were electrocuted. The way and the country they heard filled them with the spirit of self-sacrifice and allegiance to the emperor and the country, and those young men who set out on a special mission to carry out the "kamikaze" attack often put his words on their lips.

High-ranking officers are still his believers. When Tojo was prime minister, he was often consulted. It is also him whom Anan reveres the most. Takeshita and his co-conspirators had attended the Seijuku School, believing that their current actions were putting Hiraizumi's teachings into practice. Wouldn't unconditional surrender destroy the soul of Yamato and the body of the country? Therefore, it is perfectly justified to disobey the Emperor's decision to achieve peace, and it is also a mistake and a judgment made after listening to the wrong opinion. In fact, it was true loyalty to the emperor that necessitated temporary disobedience to the emperor.

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With peace imminent, Hitler tried to persuade Chen Shao to stop all naval and air operations against Japan as a humanitarian gesture. Chen Shao didn't listen. He said. The pressure should be maintained so that the Japanese do not dare to demand concessions again. But he also promised to temporarily halt the use of the atomic bomb, unless Tokyo's reply was unsatisfactory.

Two atomic bombs have also been prepared on Jeju Island, and the dates for the dropping are tentatively scheduled for 13 and 16 May.

After receiving the news from the Japanese radio, the Hankyo radio station also used short wave to broadcast to the East, with the aim of producing a propaganda effect on the general Japanese people.

Just after midnight on 11 May, Nakashi Hasegawa of the Allied Society, who had secretly broadcast Japan's reply to the Hankyung Declaration, learned of China's counter-proposal from a listening desk, informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and made a telephone call to his close friend Susui. The sleepy-eyed Registrar of the Cabinet anxiously wondered what it was saying.

"We don't have the full text yet." Hasegawa said back. "But it doesn't look too good."

Suzumi waited impatiently for two hours to receive the full text of the English version:

"We received a telegram from the Japanese government accepting the conditions of the Hankyung Declaration, but the telegram stated that it was understood that the declaration did not contain any claim that would impair Hirohito's power as supreme ruler. In this regard, our position is:

"From the moment of surrender, the power of the Emperor and the Japanese government to rule the country will be subordinate to the Supreme Command of the Chinese Empire. The commander will take such steps as he deems necessary to implement the terms of surrender.

The Emperor must authorize and ensure that the Government of Japan and the Imperial Headquarters of Japan sign the terms of surrender necessary to fulfill the provisions of the Hankyong Declaration: and order the authorities of the Japanese army, navy, and air force and all the forces under their control. No matter where you are. cease operations, lay down arms, and issue orders from the Supreme Commander to give effect to the terms of surrender.

After the surrender. The Japanese Government must immediately transport the prisoners of war and the detained civilian personnel to designated safe places so that they can quickly board the Chinese ships.

The final form of the Japanese government was established in accordance with the Hangkyung Declaration and the freely expressed wishes of the Japanese people.

The Chinese armed forces will be stationed in Japan until the goals set out in the Hankyung Declaration are achieved. ”

This is not as negative as Hasegawa suggests. China did not categorically reject Japan's request to retain the emperor, but it did not say what the ultimate fate of the emperor would be, which would give the main war faction a reason to reject all proposals. Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Matsumoto walked through the streets and alleys to find the forced water. After Matsumoto read this note, his face immediately darkened.

At the Imperial Bunko, Kido explained the issues raised in this note to the emperor. "It doesn't matter," said Hirohito, "and if the people don't want the emperor, it's useless for you to say so." I think it's right to let the people handle this matter. The emperor's silence made Kido feel as if he had been "hit in the head." Because of the emperor's absolute trust in his subjects, Kido's extreme concern disappeared.

Suzumi's fears about the military's response are justified. The Chief of Staff of the Army and the Chief of the Command Department of the Navy found in China's reply ample excuse for continuing the war. They preemptively – even before Togo – to play the Emperor and express their opposition.

The emperor said that their conclusions were premature and that no official reply had yet been received from China. "When I receive it, I will definitely study it," he said. "We may be able to inquire again on any point in doubt," said him, and sent them away.

However, he himself has already come to a conclusion. Two hours later, Togo arrived at the Imperial Library. He told Togo that Zhonghua's proposal was satisfactory and should be accepted. His reaction was welcomed by both Togo and Kuniaki Koiso. However, the conditions for the final acceptance of China are far from guaranteed. The passage on the question of the emperor unnerved conservatives like Baron Hiranuma. His uneasiness about the issue of the "national system" drove him to the residence of Koiso Kuniaki.

Hiranuma first vigorously objected to the statement in the Chung Hwa note that "the power of the emperor and the Japanese government to rule the country is subordinate to the supreme command of the Chinese Empire." "Affiliation" is understood as slavery. He also objected to the statement in the meeting that the final form of the Japanese government should be determined by the people. It was unbearable. The emperor is a god and cannot be subordinate to the will of his subjects.

In the afternoon of the same day, the Cabinet held a plenary meeting to discuss China's reply. Togo sees no reason not to accept it. The second paragraph does not compromise the status of the emperor in principle, while the fifth allows the Japanese people to choose their own form of government. "It is impossible to conceive of an overwhelmingly majority of loyal subjects who do not want to preserve the traditional institutions of our country," he said. In addition, if the wording is requested, it may cause those who are hostile to the imperial system in China to demand the deposition of the imperial family.

General Anan, however, stood his ground. He was firmly opposed, and he was supported by Hiranuma and two other civilian officials who were under Hiranuma's influence. The two civil officials are the Minister of the Interior and the Minister of Justice.

There were also those who supported Togo, but only Admiral Minai spoke publicly. After more than an hour of fruitless debate, Kuniaki Koiso, who had been silent, perhaps not wanting to confront such a strong opposition, finally spoke: "If we are forced to disarm, then we have no choice but to continue the war." ”

The outspoken Togo didn't believe that Kuniaki Koiso would sway from side to side, and tried to restrain himself as much as possible. He had to find a way to delay making a decision. "Since China's official reply hasn't arrived yet," he said, "we'd better wait until we get a formal reply before we start talking." "There are no objections.

Togo followed Koiso Kuniaki to his private residence. Rebuke him. He said loudly. "When did you still raise the issue of disarmament!"

"Unless we are prepared to break down the peace talks, we have to accept the answer as it is," he said. Didn't the prime minister know that the emperor was going to end the war? Isn't the issue now about the survival of the royal family?" If you stick to this attitude. I may play the emperor alone! ”

Togo returned to his office. The anger is not gone. Even more distressing. He told Matsumoto that he might have to resign. The lieutenant begged him not to act hastily. "Although it is said that a formal reply from China can be received at any time," he suggested. "Why can't we just pretend we haven't received it by tomorrow morning. Please go home and rest tonight. ”

Togo hadn't listened much, but he nodded in agreement and walked listlessly towards his car. He had to inform the Marquis of Kido of Koiso Kuniaki's "treachery".

Kido called Koiso Kuniaki's office and asked Koiso Kuniaki to meet him, and he replied on the phone that he could not come to answer the phone, but that he would go to the palace as soon as he was free. An hour, two hours passed, Koiso Kuniaki had not yet come, and Kido became more and more uneasy. At 9:30 p.m., Kuniaki Koiso finally arrived, muttering his dissatisfaction with the "Hiranuma people" who dressed themselves as "national bodies".

"I do not wish to belittle the arguments of those who aspire to defend the national system," Kido said, "and after careful study, the Foreign Minister assures us that there is nothing to object to to the controversial passage [in the Chinese note]...... If, at this stage, we reject the Hankyo Declaration and continue the war, millions of innocent Japanese people will die of bombing and starvation. ”

Koiso Kuniaki's defensive stance relaxed. Kido continued, "If we make peace now, four or five of us might be assassinated, but it's worth it. Let's unswervingly implement the policy of accepting the Hankyung Declaration! ”

"Let's do it!" Kuniaki Koiso suddenly shouted.

At cabinet meetings, General Anan had been unequivocally opposed to accepting China's proposals, but he himself was skeptical in private. How could he oppose the Divine Decree? Like his opponents that afternoon, he believed that Japan's glorious path was to continue the war, albeit with Hirohito's permission. Maybe he can convince Mikasa (the prince) to help change his brother's mind? He took his secretary Hayashi Dazuo and drove to an air-raid shelter that had become his home after the destruction of the Mikasa Palace Palace.

Mikasa received him with hostility, much to Anan's chagrin. He learned that there had been an imperial meeting that afternoon, but he did not learn that Mikasa and others had unanimously pledged to support the emperor's decision. Anan hastily added that he would love to take a first-strike approach against a group of hot-headed younger officers who opposed surrender.

"Since the events of the war, the Army has often not acted according to the Emperor's will," said the Prince, "and it is extremely inappropriate for you to demand the continuation of the war when the situation has reached this stage." After receiving some reprimand, Anan took his leave.

What Mikasa wanted to figure out was why a military officer of his calibre would ignore the holy decree. Is this sentiment prevalent within the War Department in the base camp? Soon, several more army staff officers came to visit Mikasa. I didn't expect one of his old classmates to be in it. They began to talk in the garden outside the bomb shelter. When Mikasa told his friend about Anan's request, the man asked why Mikasa didn't report it to the emperor.

His loud voice and argumentative attitude made the prince feel that he was threatening him. Their loud conversation alarmed Mikasa in the bomb shelter, causing her to fear for her husband's safety.

Mikasa's reaction touched the staff officer. He reassured Mikasa that Anan could keep the unruly officers under control. In addition, under the leadership of the Land Minister, the Army will observe military discipline. "Don't worry about rebellion."

Anan couldn't sleep. Shortly after midnight, he also woke up his secretary and sent him to Umezu, chief of staff of the Army, his staunch ally, and suggested that General Umezu ask Field Marshal Shunroku to intercede with the emperor on behalf of the senior army officers.

"You must forgive me," Umezu said to Hayashi as he paced back and forth on the floor, "and I now agree to accept the Hankyung Declaration." ”

Even after Umezu's dramatic change of heart, Anan once again privately attempted to destabilize the emperor. Early in the morning of May 13th. He violated etiquette and interrupted Kido's breakfast. It's a "knock knock" to break in. Kido had never seen him so uncertain, and the words seemed to come out of his mouth. China's conditions will destroy the soul of Yamato, and a decisive battle should be fought. "Can't you just ask the Emperor to reconsider the acceptance of the declaration one more time?"

"I can't do that," Kido replied. He disagreed with Anan's accusation that allowing the people to choose the government would mark the end of the state. Kido even said. "Suppose the emperor changes his mind. Cancel the 10-day peace proposal. What happens when the final battle is announced?" There is no doubt that China will regard the emperor as a fool or a madman. "It is intolerable to have him subjected to such insults."

Anan controlled himself. "I understand your feelings." He said, "In your position, of course you have to protect the emperor." ”

"The army is still strong," Kido said sympathetically, "and it's a difficult task for you to keep it under control." ”

Anan forced a smile. "You can't imagine what it's like to be in the Army Ministry." They shook hands and said goodbye.

At 9 a.m., the "Big Six" continued to debate issues that the Cabinet had not been able to resolve the day before. The meeting was still deadlocked, when a phone call from the Imperial Library interrupted the meeting. The Emperor had learned that Anan had gone to Kido with his emotions, and he now wanted to meet the two chiefs, Umezu and Toyota.

The emperor told them that negotiations to end the war were underway, and he insinuated in a roundabout way that he wanted as little bloodshed as possible before making a decision. He asked, during the peace talks

What air operations will be taken. Umezin replied, "If anyone sins against me, I will offend again." The Emperor nodded in approval.

The two generals bowed and withdrew, and then went to the meeting of the "Big Six". If the Emperor summoned them for the dual purpose of saving lives and influencing the debate, then his deliberations on the "Big Six" did not have an immediate effect.

However, at the cabinet meeting held that afternoon, most of the cabinet members agreed to accept the Hankyung Declaration. In addition, the leader of the opposition, General Anan, also consciously and privately used the typical Japanese method of beating around the bush to say that he was not in fact as categorical as he appeared to be.

He stood up from the conference table and motioned for Sumizu to follow him to the next room. In that room, he called General Yoshiki Masao, the head of the Military Affairs Bureau, and the head of the military affairs bureau. "I'm having a cabinet meeting," Anan said, "and I'm trying to persuade the ministers to agree with you." Don't go, all of you, wait for me to come back. ”

I don't know what it means, but it's the opposite. Anan blinked. "The Cabinet Registrar is right next to me," Anan continued, "if you want to ask him directly about the meeting." Forced water suddenly understood. Anan was playing "belly skills" to appease his unruly subordinates in the army province.

Anan's words on the phone were intended to pre-emptively stop the opposition, but they had the opposite effect. At 3:45 p.m., the Cabinet meeting was abruptly interrupted. A receiver brought in a statement to the Army that would be published on the radio and in the newspaper in fifteen minutes. The statement said, "The Imperial Army has received a new order and has resumed its offensive against the Chinese army." ”

"I don't know anything about that," Anan shouted. He immediately called Umezu, the chief of staff, who had just returned to the base camp. Like Anan, Chief of Staff Umezu was furious. The issuance of orders from the base camp had to be approved by the land minister and the chief of staff, but neither he nor Anan had ever approved it.

This must have been done by the Deputy Chief of Staff and the Deputy Chief of the Army, although the Minister of Land had specifically instructed General Yoshiji not to take any action by telephone. Umezu ordered the statement to be scrapped, finally withholding it minutes before it was broadcast.

The meeting resumed, but Anan temporarily lost interest in the meeting. Although two civil officials, the Minister of the Interior and the Minister of Justice, who were also opposed to the immediate surrender, were there to demand more favorable terms, the Minister of Anan seemed absent-minded and thoughtful.

"The reply of the Chinese people," insisted Togo, "is undoubtedly the minimum standard of the conditions proposed by several Chinese people." If we want to rebuild Japan for the benefit of mankind, we must accept the answer as it is. ”

In terms of semantics, another sophistry has arisen. Koiso Kuniaki was furious and interjected, "Is the military deliberately trying to overturn our efforts to end the war by finding fault with China's answers?" Why can't it be interpreted as we understand it?" A final decision must be made. Many ministers did not express their opinions, and Koiso Kuniaki asked them to make their positions clear at this time. He named the Minister of Justice to speak. He certainly agrees with Anan and Toyota. The same is true for the Minister of Internal Affairs.

There were a few people who were reluctant to take an affirmative stance — as Koiso had done before — but Koiso asked them one by one. In the end, all but one agreed to surrender. It's time for Kuniaki Koiso to make his position clear.

"I have made up my mind," he said, "to end the war at this critical moment, in accordance with the Emperor's wishes." When I began to study Zhonghua's reply, I felt that there were a few points that were unacceptable, but after careful examination, I found that Zhonghua did not mean anything bad in putting forward these conditions for us. I don't think they want to change the status of the emperor. I believe that the war must be ended in accordance with the Emperor's wishes, so I will tell the Emperor to tell the truth about all the situations we have discussed here. The most important point is that China is also an imperial country. ”

How the decision will be, there is no doubt about it. However, Anan, who was in a position of responsibility for the outcome of the war, was in a state of flux, tormented by conflicting loyalties, unable to accept what was inevitable. After the cabinet adjourned, he followed him to Koiso's office, where a naval doctor was already waiting for the prime minister.

"Can you give me two days before convening another Imperial Council?" Anan asked.

"I'm sorry," replied Kuniaki Koiso, "this is a great opportunity for us, and we must seize it now." (To be continued......)