Class contradictions have always existed since human society entered a class society. [No pop-ups]

The development of the productive forces can alleviate the outbreak of class contradictions, the natural and unnatural reduction of the population, and the redistribution of the means of production, which can also alleviate the outbreak of class contradictions. However, as long as human beings are in the social stage of class society, whether the social system is slavery, feudalism, or capitalism, as long as classes exist, as long as class oppression and class exploitation exist, then class contradictions will always exist.

At the end of the dynasty of feudal society, the class contradictions in this society were very intense. The main reason why the feudal dynasty in the feudal social stage will come to an end is also the reason for the extremely irrational allocation of the means of production and income distribution.

Therefore, the masses of the people at the end of the feudal dynasty may not have a rational understanding of class struggle in their minds, but the dissatisfaction and hatred of the ruling class are spontaneously generated by the masses of the people at the end of the feudal dynasty.

To put it simply, it is precisely because class oppression and class exploitation were particularly serious at the end of the feudal dynasty that the masses of the people, as the ruling class, will be particularly sensitive to all oppression and exploitation.

From this point of view, there is no need for the party members and cadres of the Baath Party to carry out too much propaganda and mobilization on the displaced people who came from Zhang Xianzhong, as long as they put forward a conversation and then give everyone an environment and conditions to speak freely, these displaced people will soon concentrate their hatred on Zhang Xianzhong and Zhang Xianzhong's core subordinates.

Under these circumstances, the Baath Party's public trial of the dozen or so core cavalry of Zhang Xianzhong who had survived on the barbed wire and machine-gun positions, and the 100 or so figures that Zhang Xianzhong had arranged to be the leaders of the cannon fodder of the homeless people, proceeded naturally.

Wang Shuhui does not pay much attention to details in other aspects, but he pays great attention to details in the screening and trial of enemies.

For example, he never allowed the Baath Party to lose the initiative in judging and punishing its enemies in the course of its revolutionary work. It is true that the masses of the people can participate in the public trial, and they can accuse and scold the enemy at the public trial and criticism meeting, but Wang Shuhui did not allow the Baath Party to directly hand over the power to deal with the enemy and criminals to the people who are agitated.

For Wang Shuhui, it is true that the process of revolution is a violent process of overthrow by the ruling class. However, this process cannot be a chaotic situation without system and standardization. In the process of revolution, the feudal ruling class does have a reason that it must perish, but when it comes to the life of each individual, it cannot judge and punish a person with such an overly macro concept as class contradiction and class struggle.

After all, in the course of the revolution, there are too many cases in which the selfish thoughts of individuals are concealed in the name of the revolution.

Wang Shuhui is not afraid of killing. However, he could pronounce the death of the entire feudal ruling class in the name of class struggle, but Wang Shuhui would not pronounce the death of a specific individual in this name.

Wang Shuhui's demand for the Baath Party is that class contradictions must have obvious and specific characteristics and characteristics when it comes to individuals. Therefore, we do not need to judge individuals with such a macro concept as class contradictions, but only need to judge what kind of judgment should be carried out against individuals from the specific actions of individuals.

Wang Shuhui's request to the Baath Party is that anyone who has a blood debt, regardless of whether this person, this person, this family, has built bridges and repaired roads, and has done a lot of so-called good deeds. As long as there is a blood debt, it must be paid in blood. Killing for life is a basic justice that the Ba'ath Party must give to the masses.

Those who reject the revolution, who refuse to change the mode of production, who are transformed from the backward landlord class into the relatively progressive industrial capitalists, are the definite objects of revolution. One is counted as one, and those who have a blood debt are to be tried and executed for murder. Those who do not have blood debts need to work in labor camps to reform their minds.

In modern China, many people have complained about the landlords and old wealth who were fought and dealt with in the land reform in those years. In fact, if we put aside the macro reason that the feudal landlord class, which is a backward reactionary force in both capitalist and socialist countries, must be eliminated and transformed, the landlords and old wealthy people who have been struggled against in the land reform are actually not wronged.

You must know that in semi-feudal and semi-colonial China, the wealth accumulated by the landlords and old fortunes through high land rents and usury was stained with blood. Those who cry out for the landlords and the old rich in modern China must also pay attention to the law. It is also necessary to agree with the basic legal principle of paying for life. Therefore, from the perspective of criminal responsibility alone, the treatment received by landlords and old wealth in the land reform carried out in New China can be regarded as preferential treatment on the open side of the net.

Of course, from the current stage, Zhang Xianzhong's forces are not yet the feudal ruling class. They are still constantly striving for their position as a feudal ruling class and working hard to engage in the "great cause" of rebellion.

However, the reason why the Revival Society regarded Zhang Xianzhong and other peasant rebels as enemies was not because of their class attributes. It is simply because of Zhang Xianzhong, Li Zicheng, and other rebels that their actions are the same as those of the feudal ruling class, which directly threatens and endangers the interests of the masses of the people.

As an organization representing the interests of the people and striving for the interests and happiness of the people, the Baath Party's trial of the peasant rebels was also based on the same two basic principles. The first is whether there is a blood debt, and the second is whether or not to accept the transformation.

The fate of the dozen or so members of Zhang Xianzhong's core unit who survived under the barbed wire and machine guns of the interception force is self-evident.

As Zhang Xianzhong's main force, the cavalry of about 3,000 people under his command is the fundamental support for him to conquer cities and conquer cities. Therefore, these people played a major role in the military operations against Danfèng and Shangnan counties in southeastern Shaanxi Province. In the two county towns, they carried out a large number of massacres and pillages against the common people. Under the Ba'ath Party's public trial, many displaced people from the two counties directly testified against them.

As a feudal ruler, Liu Bang, the ancestor of the Han Dynasty, knew that he had three chapters of the law with the people, "the murderer dies". There is no reason why the Baath Party would choose to pardon the lives of the enemies of these blood-debtor peoples. So soon these dozen or so people were directly hung on the gallows.

On the one hand, the grief and indignation of nearly 10,000 displaced people were released, and on the other hand, through such actions, the displaced people also realized that the Baath Party was on their side. They will change from gratitude for the Baath Party's food and clothing to recognition and support for the Ba'ath Party.

The vast majority of displaced people further identified with and supported the Baath Party through the Baath Party's public trial. However, some of Zhang Xianzhong's subordinates, who were hidden among the displaced people, were terrified in the process of public trial