In the past two months, a new term has suddenly become popular in Chengdu, that is, "Yuanhui", which is the combined abbreviation of the Senate and the Imperial Diet.

In Deng Ming's vision, the Senate and Parliament were similar to the upper and lower houses of the British Empire, taking into account the interests of the upper and lower classes, and checking and balancing each other to reach a compromise. Deng Ming believed that this model was very suitable for the current situation, and he needed to mobilize the enthusiasm of the Xichuan people by sharing the spoils of war, and only by exerting the economic and military mobilization power far beyond the feudal autocracy could the western Sichuan show an aggressive offensive posture; And the interests of the upper-level officials must also be considered, because these people are the arms of the Western Sichuan clique.

However, Deng Ming's idea is completely wishful thinking, or it only exists in Deng Ming's heart, and it is the model of the parliamentary system in his previous life. Now Deng Ming has made it clear that he unconditionally supports all the decisions of the Yuan, and in Ren Tang's words, he has given the Yuanhui the general right of "fake Huangyue". Not only the Senate, but also the bosses of all walks of life are rushing to join the parliament in order to seek more benefits for their business.

Whether it was Liu Jinge or other officials, it was soon discovered that they had no ability to resist the Yuan Council at all. The scattered state of the Western Sichuan clique was a big problem for Deng Ming, who himself had to compromise with various classes to reach his own wishes, and sometimes Deng Ming could use his popularity to persuade others to agree with him. For the prefect's yamen, banks, and tax bureaus, this is a complete disaster, and they usually don't want to command anyone, so they can only wave Deng Ming's quotations to attack each other, and then go their own way.

The Western Sichuan clique, which is only two or three years old, has never carried out any purges or political campaigns, and most people do not have much fear of Deng Ming, let alone Governor Liu and President Xiong. No one could stand up to the council that represented Deng Ming's authority, and no one even had the idea of touching it. Even in the army, there is no authoritative core: Li Xinghan is basically a lieutenant colonel Li who is a fan faction who is bent on firmly tying himself to Deng Ming's chain of allegiance, and he will not oppose it as long as Deng Ming wishes; Ren Tang prides himself on being a celebrity and has the ability to say strange things, but he will not use his brains to plot a conspiracy to take advantage of Liu Jinge's anger and usurp the right of Deng Ming - if Liu Jinge really has this idea and reveals it, maybe Ren Tang will call on his fellow Zhejiang soldiers in the army to defeat the careerists; Zhou Kaihuang only cared about training troops and the pickles he used for cooking; The last Mu Tan has the least influence in the Western Sichuan Army, and he also has a good relationship with his bosses.

So after the initial confusion, Liu Jinge thought of rigging the election like Yuan Xiang, so that his subordinates could enter the parliament so that they could develop their own power - this was actually a very poor goal, and Liu Jinge's actions were just an instinct to protect his own administrative independence - but even such a limited goal, Liu Zhifu did not succeed.

First of all, there was no one in Liu Jinge's pocket, he himself relied on Deng Ming's authority to sit on the throne of the Chengdu prefect, and recently he had a very unpleasant quarrel with Yuan Xiang over the prisoners of war, and he was even more reluctant to prepare for the spoils of Chengdu because of his anger. Therefore, the relationship between Governor Liu and Chengdu businessmen is not very good, and those bosses who look at the Xuzhou Council have long had a lot of opinions about Liu Jinge. And after the hasty convening of the session this time, the Xuzhou Parliament relied on the advantage of preemptive strikes and openly assumed itself as the Imperial Parliament, taking advantage of the chaos to occupy a lot of good positions, and these consequences were relied on by the people of Chengdu to the head of Governor Liu.

And Governor Liu has another big enemy, that is, the Senate. Compared with the more authoritative lower house in Deng Ming's imagination, the current western Sichuan is obviously more advantageous than the upper house, and the speaker Liu Yao and his colleagues regard the parliament as a subordinate department or branch of the Senate. Finally caught the power, where are they willing to watch the old enemy Liu Zhifu reach out to their territory? Therefore, the Senate stepped forward and thwarted the conspiracy of the Governor of Liu to mobilize the pavilion to help his officials collect the handprints.

But not allowing Liu Jinge to manipulate the election does not mean that the Senate does not manipulate, to be precise, Liu Yao and their efforts to prevent Liu Jinge from manipulating the election are to pave the way for themselves to manipulate the election. The leaders of the Qingcheng faction and many business bank bosses had a relationship between superiors and subordinates in the past, and the Senate was a permanent body, and the members in it were all "hand-picked" by Deng Ming; The parliament is a very set up body, and the members in it are all part-time, usually taking care of their own business, and in their leisure time they get together for a meeting to discuss the plan of making a fortune - according to Deng Ming's view, the elected people represent the legal principle, and should be more confident than the appointed members of the upper house, but the people of this era do not see it that way, according to the rules of the chain of allegiance, they think that the senators, who are obviously hand-picked and permanent, represent Deng Ming's authority.

With the efforts of Liu Yao and others, the bosses of the former auxiliaries seized many seats in the parliament, and the pavilion chiefs recommended by Liu Governor were not selected for the first imperial parliament if they were not from the auxiliary soldiers of the Qingcheng faction; Ren Tang was afraid that the people of Zhejiang would suffer losses, so he went to visit Liu Yao together after discussing with Yu Youming, and successfully allocated some seats for the people of Zhejiang, but Li Xinghan, who had always done his duty, finally couldn't stand the muttering of his colleagues in the Sichuan army, and also came out to bargain with the Senate to get some seats.

In this way, Deng Ming's imaginary election became a division of parliaments by major political sectors, in fact, the Western Sichuan clique originally had a tendency to distribute power in this way, but this parliamentary "election" legalized the unspoken rules. Even the former Mongol commander stuffed a Mongol into the parliament, that is, the physical education teacher in the school, Geriltu. The only ones who are relatively peaceful are the generals of the Shanxi Green Battalion, who are still in the stage of being people with their tails between their legs, and they are already overjoyed that they can have a place in the Senate.

Before discussing whether to support the committee's plan, the Imperial Diet first passed a series of bills that were beneficial to industry and commerce, such as the first decree announced by the parliament was to stop the enclosure bill, on the grounds that the arable land around Chengdu had been almost fenced off, and if it continued to develop outward, it would need to garrison troops on a wider scale, and the parliament was now unwilling to bear such a heavy burden. The standard put forward by the parliament was that one must serve in the western Sichuan army in order to obtain the right to open up 30 acres of wasteland, and to pay taxes for ten consecutive years and turn it into private ownership. After this law was passed by the parliament, it was immediately approved by the Senate, and for this law, the parliamentarians had already communicated with Liu Yao and their support.

Immediately after that, another decree was issued, that is, it was announced that the free distribution of Tongxiucai had expired, and from now on, it was also possible to obtain the fame of Tongxiucai only after serving in the army. In other words, the 70,000 people who recently arrived in Sichuan may not be able to serve in the army, let alone gain the freedom to reclaim wasteland, even after a year of working in the factories.

If Deng Ming had heard about this bill, he would probably have thought it was similar to militarism. And he was not wrong in his feelings, in his previous life, Hitler declared that citizens were not citizens but the material of citizens, and that citizenship could be obtained only after military service. The doctrine of denying the civil rights of taxpayers and selecting supporters of the current regime through the military threshold is also one of the hallmarks of fascism.

But the decree was not passed, because the criminal officer, He Daoning, jumped out and shouted that it was unconstitutional.

Deng Ming expressed his unconditional support for the resolution of the court, and once again emphasized the authority of the criminal officer, and if the resolution of the court violated the constitution, the criminal officer could veto it. At this time, this constitution was widely understood as a rule for the distribution of spoils, or the fundamental interests of Deng Ming.

The first thing that supported He Daoning to veto the second decree of the Yuan Council was the resentment of outsiders, Liu Jinge, as an outsider, gained nothing in the division of political power, and He Daoning was even more so, so both of them were extremely dissatisfied with the Yuan Council. In addition to the intention of going against the Senate, this second decree also caused many people to be uneasy, such as the Shanxi generals in the Senate who felt that it was aimed at them, and it would also cause them to be unable to further improve their status in the future, but these people did not have the courage to oppose it openly in the Senate, but while shouting in favor, they ganged up in the middle of the night to find He Daoning with a chicken, claiming that they were resolutely on the side of the judge.

If it was just these people, He Daoning might not have the courage to go against the Senate for the sake of 70,000 prisoners of war, but in addition to the Shanxi people who are dissatisfied with this bill, there are more important figures, that is, the military in western Sichuan. After hearing about this bill, Ren Tang began to make irresponsible remarks, saying that this was contrary to Deng Ming's fundamental interests and might make it difficult for Deng Ming to absorb and digest the new population in Sichuan; Li Xinghan believes that it will affect the source of soldiers; And Zhou Kaihuang and Mu Tan also supported the first two on this issue, they didn't have any more reasons, but simply out of dissatisfaction with the academy, thinking that Deng Ming authorized them to discuss the committee's plan, but now these people are thinking about how to make money all day long, they should knock on the academy and let them hurry up and get down to business.

The unanimous opinion of these four people basically represented the will of the military, and He Daoning quickly weighed the forces of the enemy and the enemy, and found that his own side had an advantage, and was convinced that this was a good opportunity to vent his grievances. Since the constitution is Deng Ming's fundamental interest, isn't it unconstitutionality to harm Deng Ming's interests? He Daoning immediately used his power and gave the academy a hard blow.

And the Yuan Hui also sobered up a little after this blow, and the Yuan Hui, which was originally reveling because of the power gained, also remembered the serious things that Deng Ming wanted them to do, and was worried that Deng Ming would be angry when he found out that they had done nothing, so he sat down honestly and began to discuss the battle plan of the committee.

As soon as it was discussed, the parliament found that there were endless problems in it, which were likely to damage the interests of western Sichuan from all aspects; It would be a rare opportunity to overhaul the plan. Soon, the parliament found out that the key was how to deal with Kuidong's allies, and if this matter was not handled well, it might damage Deng Ming's interests, leading to the sentence being sentenced to "unconstitutionality" by the criminal judge. There was only one solution, that is, to compensate his allies instead of the governor of Liangjiang, and Sichuan would make a profit by fighting, tying together the plan and compensation terms made according to the wishes of Sichuan.