Inside the Kremlin, Ulyanov suddenly had a feeling that he had eaten up.

In his hand was a telegram from Liebknecht, the leader of the German Poor Party. Since the early seizure of class power by the Poor Party in Russia, the radicals, although they parted ways with the moderate, also attracted the aspirations of a certain number of European Poor Party members.

Especially after the end of the Russian Civil War, the St. Petersburg Cookers began to reject the Poor Moderate, so that on the entire European continent, the Cookers completely lifted their warm and affectionate masks for the Poor Moderates, and the bloody facts told all the Poor Party that the harmony and friendship of the Cookers were always a false disguise.

The period from 1901 to 1903 was the most difficult stage for the poor party in Europe, and the emergence of the Moscow government made the entire European bourgeoisie full of vigilance against the poor party.

So much so that Marx's presence in Highgate Cemetery was harassed. You must know that when Marx died in 1883, the whole British society reacted very coldly, Marx's lifelong friend Engels accompanied him, and the obituary of the Times was only one paragraph, and there were fallacies in the lines, such as Marx "was born in Cologne", "moved to France at the age of 20", and so on. Only one newspaper at the time mentioned that Marx might be remembered for posterity, and this newspaper wrote that although Capital was not finished, it would have an increasing influence on people from all walks of life who were concerned with social issues in the future.

Then came the bleak funeral, where Marx's body was buried in a remote corner of London's Highgate Cemetery, with his wife, Yanni. Only 11 people attended the funeral of this great man.

The symbol stone carving of Marx's tomb, which is common in later generations, is actually a new tomb built for him by the British poor party in 1954, and the most eye-catching location of the cemetery was selected, and the poor parties of various countries, including the Chinese poor party, donated money for the construction of this tomb.

This cemetery is only remembered by the poor party on weekdays. Not long after the establishment of the Moscow regime, it fell into a buzz that it had never experienced before. By the time Moscow and St. Petersburg had ended the war and looked up at the world again, only half of the ruined stele remained in the cemetery.

The power of European capital has caused the moderates in the poor party to disappear rapidly. At this moment, the poor parties of Europe are definitely more effective than the organizations of the same period in the original time and space, but they are still too naïve. Liebknecht's poor party in Germany established a parliamentary line of not arming against the German government, which made Ulyanov not feel like he had been taken aback?

And another well-known leader of the poor party in Europe, Rosa. Luxembourg, although she is famous in Germany. In fact, it was the Poles. In 1871, the year after the King of Prussia became Emperor of Germany, he was born into a fairly wealthy, cultured, middle-class Jewish family in Zamošci, near the border with Russian Poland.

She was already a member of the Poor Party group at the age of sixteen, but in late 19th-century Tsarist Russia was the most powerful against the Poor Party of all European countries, and in October 1888 Luxembourg's Poor Party organization was destroyed and many of its members were arrested. She was fortunate to be in exile. Then he soon left Poland and arrived in Zurich, Switzerland. Luxembourg is a truly talented person, she studied at the Faculty of Social Politics at the University of Zurich, where she is a full student. He studied biology, mathematics and law, then political economy, and finally completed a doctoral dissertation on the development of Polish industry. At the age of 22, he founded the Polish Poor Party.

However, unable to return to Warsaw, Luxembourg moved to Germany and expanded its activities in German Poland. There was frequent activity between the German Polish region and Berlin, and then in 1894 the war broke out. In 1895, the Tsarist dynasty collapsed, and the Kingdom of Poland, which had been extinct for many years, was reborn in the smoke of war.

As a result, Luxembourg's attitude has also changed dramatically, from the initial armed struggle to the parliamentary line.

This may be the reason why German politics is slightly more moderate towards the poor party, but it is certainly also indispensable to the strong deterrent power of the German army. It is not possible to let the poor party of Poland drive away, and the armed struggle will not work.

In any case, it was a major blow to the Moscow government, which was still in the midst of the Russian civil war at that time.

Time is the best magician. When the Russian Civil War ended, the elements in St. Petersburg turned their backs, the bourgeoisie of the European countries began to exert force, and the poor parties of Germany and Poland, represented by Luxemburg and Liebknecht, began to wake up from the warmth of capital, and the former quickly strengthened the line of armed struggle. But the German Poor Party, second only to Moscow in power in the Second Poor International, was always hesitant. And the fierce ideological conflict led to the split of the SPD into two left-wing organizations, the SPD and the Poor Party. The poor party sided with Moscow, while the SPD stuck to the conference line.

Moscow did not abandon the SPD, even if the latter openly preached not class politics, changing the workers' representatives to the people, Edward. Bernstein is the spiritual leader of this organization. The SPD's low profile has earned itself the status of a legitimate party, but it has always been hostile to the German ruling class.

In this time and space, Alfred is still alive and well. Graff. Feng. Field Marshal Wadsey, who repeatedly called for violent repression of the SPD. It is no surprise that the SPD has strengthened its ties with Moscow behind the scenes.

The SPD never carried out assassinations, and Liebknecht and others were not interested in it. Ulyanov knew very well what the German SPD people were, so when Liebknecht and other SPD leaders were distressed, he only suggested that they go toe-to-toe with the military forces in the Reichstag and do their best to unite and organize the German masses.

And what if the forces of the German group are united in the group? First, they should form their own fighting teams to fight uncompromising street violence by other political parties with the main purpose of prevention. Second, in a way that the German people can understand, and to find real examples, expose the cruel exploitation of the people by the German ruling class. Thirdly, the SPD should have its own economic base and do its best to maintain the livelihood and survival of the unemployed masses.

Ulyanov did not have the slightest perfunctory attitude towards the SPD. These insights are the insights he has gained over the years. But today, after seeing Liebknecht's reply as the leader of the SPD, Ulyanov's heart was disgusting.

In this telegram, Liebknecht accepted many parts of Ulyanov's proposal, and the second and third points were very much accepted, but he dismissed the first one as a street hooligan brawl, which was contrary to the idea of poor partyism for the people. On the contrary, in his capacity as the leader of the German Poor Party, he gave Ulyanov a 'warning' and repeated his old words and demanded that the Moscow government be more moderate in dealing with different opinions in the future.

Most of the SPD in Germany are convinced that the fact that the government has so suppressed the poor party organizations in Europe is closely related to the bitter methods used by the Moscow government to deal with different voices of opinion. They consider Moscow's means to be a kind of gemming terror!

Ulyanov is 40 years old, has been in power for many years, has been tempered, and is already very good in terms of personal government and quality. Liebknecht's reply still made him angry. In the past, they just talked about it in private, but now they are openly written in their replies. What is this trying to do? And the most angry thing about Ulyanov was that Liebknecht even reached out to him for money at the end? Request financial assistance from Moscow? What kind of brain is this!

"A bunch of guys with broken heads!" Krzhzanovsky screamed loudly. The times create heroes, the ruling power of the poor party in Russia came too quickly, too early and too easily, and many people who should have appeared at the top of the Moscow regime in history are like many bigwigs in the Republic of China, or still hard to climb the middle and lower classes, or have disappeared in the long river of history, and Ulyanov's helpers are still those supporters of his organization when he formed the organization. For example, the person in front of me - Ge. Horse. Krzhzanovsky. and Ephesian. Power. Lingernik, F. Second. Noskov and others, these members of the Central Committee of the Moscow government, Emperor Liu did not know any of them.

"The bourgeoisie and all the national governments have long been unanimous on the idea of the anti-poor party, and the Wehrmacht, as the backbone of Germany, does not want the poor party at all. Now that the German economy is in the midst of the Great Depression, and it is precisely when the forces of the poor party in Germany are doing everything possible to expand their influence among the masses, will this group of people still take the road of parliamentary struggle? Are they still poor parties? "The strength of the German Poor Party is too weak, and in that great split, the strength on the side of the German Poor Party is less than 10% of the whole, otherwise why would Moscow want to win over the German SPD with a dead face. Who does not know that the poor party of Germany is the real own people of Moscow!

More than a decade in power has turned these revolutionaries into qualified leaders or politicians. Whether it's Ulyanov or G. Horse. Krzhzanovsky, V. Power. Lingernik, F. Second. Noskov and others, after their anger subsided, still pinched their noses, endured nausea, and unanimously passed a bill on financial assistance to the German Social Democratic Party at a meeting of the Central Bureau.

The current situation in Moscow does not reassure these leaders in the Kremlin. In addition to St. Petersburg, their sworn enemy to the west, it is also difficult for them not to remain vigilant against China, which is now Moscow's biggest backer. China is just too powerful!

It is the Yan Kingdom and the Zhao Kingdom, and the development over the years has also advanced by leaps and bounds. If bilateral relations really deteriorate rapidly, they may not need China's intervention, and only the two countries and Ukraine, the lackeys of the Chinese, will be enough to tear Moscow apart. (To be continued.) )