Today's second update, if possible, another chapter before twelve o'clock in the evening

How long can the Imperial Sect be in power in Japan?

This is something that neither Lin Han nor the head of the Red Army is very optimistic about.

The group of people in the control faction, although there are few problems with their strategic vision, they are all graduates of the regular Lu University class, they have gone abroad and stayed abroad to see big scenes, and they are still qualified to laugh at the "defeated dog LOSER" of the middle and lower class of the imperial road faction with non-professional backgrounds as the main body.

In the coup d'état on 31 August, the imperial faction's military advice was successful, but it was only because the unification faction made an extremely stupid mistake on the China issue in the early stage, and later vainly wanted to continue to govern by "changing the vest," which caused the people of the people to lose all their hearts, and it gave the imperial faction the best coup atmosphere for launching a coup d'état.

However, compared with the ruling faction, the biggest problem of the imperial faction is that the foundation is too shallow.

Behind the group of people who occupied the upper echelons of the Japanese military during World War II stood the big chaebol headed by Mitsui Mitsubishi, and they were inextricably linked with each other.

However, most of the Imperial Sect members were born in the middle and lower classes of Japan, and they had no roots in the upper classes. Although it is possible to take advantage of the momentary momentum, it is bound to not last long. If there is no "eye-catching" result on the China issue, once the war is unfavorable, it will be almost a matter of seconds to be ousted from power.

When talking to Chairman Li Runshi about the behavior of the group of people of the Imperial Daoist faction when they rebelled, Lin Han felt that they were very similar to the gang in Liangshanbo in "Water Margin", full of the idea of "anti-traitor but not anti-emperor". Japan's current national problems are in the bones. It is still a question of class interests.

Since the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan has continuously launched wars against China and plundered countless interests. But in the process, almost all of these benefits were eaten up by the upper strata, while the lower masses suffered from the severe pains of war and industrialization. After the Meiji Restoration, the taxes paid by the common people were even higher than during the Shogunate period.

The whole of Japan is now caught in a strange circle: the state is constantly propagating that in order for everyone to live a good life, it must wage a war of plunder. In order to wage a war of plunder, it is necessary to strengthen armaments. And so the war broke out. Won. The plundering of wealth came, but the benefits were all eaten and wiped out by the upper classes, and the lower classes of civilians still did not even share the dregs. Civilians are still poor, and then the state continues to propagate the need to plunder foreign (Chinese) wars in order to live a good life. Thus falling into this endless loop.

A member of the Imperial Sect. Many of them came from the poor lower middle class. Their "anti-traitors" are not anti-"emperor" and are not anti-Japanese contradictions, and the real key to Japan's domestic contradictions: the interest groups of Japan's big chaebols, headed by Mitsui, Mitsubishi, and Nakajima, do not carry out "class revolution." This kind of approach, which is similar to Song Jiang in "Water Margin", counting on the emperor to be a Ming monarch, begging for peace, hugging his thighs, and begging for support, Lin Han has long foreseen its final ending.

Now they can succeed, but it is only because the gang of people from the control faction has made a mess and made the whole of Japan angry and resentful, that they have taken the opportunity to do it. But when they continue to be hindered and frustrated on the China issue, like their predecessors, the fate of the imperial faction will be nothing more than a grasshopper after the autumn, and it will not be able to jump for a few days.

In Lin Han's view, China today is already an "unsolvable" problem for Japan. The current Red Army has the strength to resist a full-scale Japanese invasion. The strategy of recovering Northeast China and driving the Japanese out of China may not be accomplished in a few years, but it is 100 percent achievable to let the Japanese invading army, which is vainly trying to annex the area north of the Yangtze River, smash its mouth and drag it to death in the north.

The goals that the royal faction actively pursued when they staged the coup d'état were military dictatorship and the fascism of state power.

The 226 Mutiny in history was instead realized after the failed coup d'état. This is not only because the ruling faction, which also belongs to the fascist faction, has a firm grip on the military department, but also because the cabinet is also controlled by a civilian-fascist clique headed by the new prime minister, Hiroki Hirota.

In this era of "temporary success" in the imperial rebellion, the essential difference between the domestic regimes in Japan was that the literati fascist clique headed by Hirota Hiroki became the military fascist clique headed by Sadao Araki, but this clique was more short-sighted and crazy than the former.

At the beginning of September, when the political situation in Japan was changing greatly, the Red Army forces in South China were also preparing for the beginning of the all-out war of resistance against Japan.

As early as mid-June, when the war against Shanghai began, the Red Army's layout for the all-out war of resistance had already begun.

In addition to land reform and the construction of base areas, the Red Army that entered Hubei and Henan will continue to transfer cadres and troops into Shaanxi Province to strengthen the strength of Liu Zhidan's Red Army in the Yan'an area of Shaanxi. By September, the main force of the Red Army in Shaanxi exceeded 80,000 men. In one fell swoop, it became a pivotal force in the Northwest Territories. During this period, they sent a group of elite troops north into Inner Mongolia, got in touch with the Soviet Red Army on the border of Outer Mongolia, and obtained a batch of weapons and equipment provided by the Soviet Union.

On the Shandong side, due to the sensitive location, the Red Army did not encroach on Han Fuyu's territory for the time being, but business between the two sides was doing hot.

Beginning in July, Britain and Japan joined forces to block the maritime foreign trade routes of Fujian, Zhejiang, and Suzhou, but the Red Army's foreign trade routes were still not cut off. Shandong and Guangdong provinces are the most important foreign trade ports. Whether it is Chen Jitang or Han Fuyu in Guangdong, they all understand in their hearts the truth that "Britain and Japan are far away, and the Red Army is very close", and they are sandwiched between the two, and neither of them wants to offend.

For their own interests, Chen Jitang and Han Fuyu both opened their counterpart ports and became "second-way dealers" who helped the Red Army import materials and export products. Compared with Chen Jitang in Guangdong, Han Fuyu's biggest advantage in Shandong is that he owns a Beijing-Hangzhou Canal. July to August is the rainy season, and the canal is full, making it more suitable for navigation. In order to give full play to the shipping capacity of the Beijing-Hangzhou Canal, after taking Jiangsu Province, the local Red Army organized manpower to dredge the canal and rivers in the territory. In the past two months, the Red Army has re-exported a large number of materials to Han Fuyu's territory in Shandong, and Han Fuyu has also made a lot of money by extracting tolls from it.

A large number of aircraft, fuel, and aircraft spare parts entered China through the port of Guò Shandong, and then diverted to the Beijing-Hangzhou Canal to the south and entered the territory of the Red Army. Although Britain and Japan knew that these cargo ships were flying American flags, they needed the support of the Americans at this sensitive time, and they did not dare to offend the Americans, so they could only turn a blind eye to this.

During this period, Lin Han's old trick was repeated, and in the "business dealings" with Han Fuyu, Xiao Bailang was sent to lead a group of agents to use "silver bullets" to "shoot" Han Fuyu's subordinates continuously. Many agreements have been reached between the two sides. Having learned the lessons and lessons learned from the failure of buying Sun Yuanliang in the past, Xiao Bailang today is familiar with this trick, and no longer focuses on Han Fuyu in "underground work", but concentrates on the powerful small army leaders such as division commanders, brigade commanders, and regiment commanders under him.

Today's Red Army, because it adheres to the policy of the "anti-Japanese national united front," cannot take the initiative to carry out military strikes against warlords in various localities, and because it has a "policy of strictly prohibiting the use of money to buy opponents," this kind of "dirty work" is left to Lin Han.

Neither the Red Army nor Lin Han had confidence in the possible landing of the Japanese in Shandong, as well as referring to Han Fuyu's performance in the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression in history. They all only hoped that when the war broke out, Han's subordinates would not be pig teammates, and that they would take the initiative to hand over their guns and territory to the Red Army, and not become "transport captains" who sent supplies to the Japanese invading army all the way like the artillery party.

Han Fuyu in Shandong, the troops that can fight in his hands, squeezed out empty salaries, counting local militia groups and other armed forces, there are about 100,000 people who are fully counted. The Red Army took a two-pronged approach, with the underground party doing ideological work, and Lin Hanlin's boss attacking with a silver bullet. In the process, the people who did the "ideological" work of the military leaders under Han Fuyu were not only the Red Army and Lin Han, but also the British and Japanese, especially the spy agents sent by the Japanese side, also worked under him to lead the way of the traitors.

Han Fuyu, who was in charge of Shandong, had no idea that his subordinates had been plotted against by forces from all sides in the past two months.

After Sadao Araki came to power, he was busy accepting power in September, consolidating the forces in his hands, storing supplies in Tohoku and continuing to mobilize troops in the country. Make final pre-war preparations for a full-scale invasion of China.

His only bit of "cleverness" was that, as Lin Han conjectured, he wanted to wait for the British to make a move and fight with the Red Army "before ordering the Kwantung Army to do it."

This is not wrong, the only problem is that it still takes time.

And the Southern Red Army, which had just swallowed the territory of the five provinces of the Artillery Party, needed exactly what it needed most was time.

Throughout September, there was an undercurrent between China and Japan, but on the surface it was unusually calm. From June to September, nearly three months, the Red Army in the south, which had been "fed" a little, had ample time to digest the newly acquired territory, carry out land reform, suppress the counterrevolution, eliminate the latent possible saboteurs of the Black Five, Japanese spies, establish non-governmental grassroots organizations, and establish peasant self-defense units. The political changes in Japan gave the Red Army more precious time.

When the time entered the golden autumn of October, when the northeast entered the harvest season, the Royal Air Force of the British Empire, which had been preparing for a long time on the Zhoushan Islands, finally went out in full force on October 1, and its target was not Shanghai, which the Red Army had painstakingly managed, but the line of Ningbo and Hangzhou near Zhoushan.

On that day, the British took off more than 400 planes in one day, which can be called the largest fighter sortie since World War I. (To be continued......)