The whirlwind action of the Fifth Group Army of the Revolutionary Army and its subordinate Nanyang Column naturally set off a storm, but the development of this turmoil was something that even Xie Niancheng himself never expected.

After Zhang Linfu returned to report to Jiang Wei, Jiang Wei immediately called a meeting of senior military officers, and soon they also came up with ways to deal with the opposition in the Socialist Party and the radical faction of the Socialist Party in the localities.

"Revolution is life and death, revolution is not a dinner party. To be merciful to one's enemies is to be cruel to oneself. It's better to kill 10,000 more than to hurt one of your brothers! Commander-in-Chief Xie said well, we should do the same. ”

"Go down, divide up, arrest those who should be arrested, and kill a group of those who deserve. Look at Sichuan, killing hundreds of thousands of people, it can be regarded as a quiet killing. It is precisely because they dare to kill and can kill that they have achieved the current good situation, and you must be bolder! ”

If Xie Niancheng knew that Jiang Wei understood what he was doing like this, he really wanted to take a flashlight to shine on Jiang Guangtou's head, I don't know how his head grew to make such a decision?

The Sichuan government and the revolutionary army under the leadership of Xie Niancheng did kill many people, but those who were killed were all against the revolutionary army and the National Salvation Association.

Jiang Wei, this guy, plans to take the opposition in the party!

There is now a great deal of contradiction between the upper and lower strata of the Socialist Party. The socialists in the upper echelons, mostly gentry and capitalists, demanded the preservation of the existing order. The Socialists at the lower levels, who believe in equal land rights and equal capital, shout slogans because no one takes the lead, and in some places. They also did some things to kill the wealth of the landlords, and they joined the Socialist Party and carried out the revolution, in order to make a complete change.

Originally. Jiang Wei, as the leader, should find a way to adjust the contradictions between the upper and lower levels of the internal party, after all, everyone is the same party, and they are still in the same boat.

It's a pity that Jiang Wei chose the massacre!

On July 22, the massacre began.

Jiang Wei's First Army units and militia groups in various localities took action to arrest leftist activists of the Socialist Party and dissidents who propagated other high-level anti-Socialist theories.

In this purge on an unprecedented scale. A large number of middle and lower members of the Socialist Party were killed.

For example, the Jiangsu Provincial Party Department of the Socialist Party claimed when summing up the lessons and lessons of the purging of the party: "After the purging of the party took place, the majority of the revolutionary loyalists of the party have lost their protection and are in danger of being framed and fabricated by local shoddy corruption at any time. The situation is as miserable as a lost dog. ”

"The Lost Dog" vividly describes the mentality and situation of all the middle and lower strata of the Socialist Party at that time.

The dark cloud of white terror hung over the heads of the Socialists, and the slightest carelessness in words and deeds could lead to the "thug hat". Accusing people of thugs. It was the easiest "trick" to put people to death at that time. Those who have had a gap with people in the past. Falsely accusing people of thugs can vent personal hatred; Those who usually have conflicts with others can get rid of their opponents by falsely accusing them of being thugs; Some people even failed to ask for marriage, and also falsely accused the other party of being a thug.

From August 10 to 12, 2015, the Socialist Party's Central Daily published a letter from a reader entitled "The Sad and Desperate Voices of Comrades Working in the Lower Classes", which clearly reflected the panic and anxiety of the local members of the Socialist Party at that time:

Unfortunately for our Party, the purging movement was compelled by practical needs to give corrupt and opportunistic corrupt elements the opportunity to rise up and counterattack the revolutionary forces. Corrupted by his slander, they are all in the midst of being wiped out by corrupt elements. There are those who have been beaten, those who have been plundered, those who have been killed, those who have been falsely accused, those who have been arrested, and those who have been imprisoned.

The purging movement was not shallow in its self-inflicted harm on the Socialist Party.

In addition to the fact that some of the Socialist youth were killed in this movement, a considerable number of Socialists were discouraged, disappointed, and even left the party because of the purge.

For example, in November 2015, when the Jiangsu Provincial Party Department held the general registration of socialist party members, "party members are discouraged by the party, and those who do not come to register account for three or four out of ten; 45 out of 10 will be registered on the sidelines; 23 out of 10 people do not register due to counter-propaganda. ”

This situation is not unique to Jiangsu Province.

The number of newly registered socialist party members in Guangzhou is less than 10 percent of the city's original party members, and the number of applicants for registration in Guangdong province is only 35 percent of the total number of original party members.

In Hankow, there were more than 30,000 party members before the Qing Dynasty, but only 5,000 at the time of registration.

In Changsha, before the purging of the party, it was claimed that there were as many as 190,000 party members (this number may be water), and after the purging of the party, only 1,526 "qualified party members" remained. Among the more than 1,500 "qualified party members," "there are very few in the peasant and industrial circles."

Before the purging of the party, the total number of members of the Socialist Party in the country was more than 1 million. After the purging of the party, according to the statistics of the Han calendar in April 2016, the total number of Socialist Party members fell to more than 350,000, a decrease of two-thirds.

Among the more than 700,000 socialist party members who have declined, there are probably two main types of people: one is young people who are more radical in their thinking; On the one hand, the progressive workers and peasants who took the initiative to participate in the revolution.

Most of the former were purged, and most of the latter were automatically left the party.

It can be said that in this campaign to purge the party, the main ones who were eliminated and attacked within the socialist party were a group of party members who had ideals and enthusiasm for the revolution.

In fact, there may be more than 700,000 people who have been purged and voluntarily left the party. For at the same time that the progressive workers, peasants, and radical youth were purged from the party, there was also a large influx of opportunistic elements into the party.

For example, in Nanjing, there were only about 3,000 party members before the purging of the party, and more than 10,000 people applied for registration after the purging of the party. Jiangsu Province registered more than 50,000 party members after the purging of the party, which is several times more than the number of party members before the purging of the party.

The Jiangsu Provincial Socialist Party Department pointed out in its work report after the purge that the counties "either have a large number of party members but very few registrations, or have very few party members and too many registrations." He also called the latter mostly opportunistic. There are four types of cases in which they pretend to be party members and register in a vague manner: first, they hope to obtain party membership to carry out activities in political circles; the second is that the ruffians and hooligans want to eat party food; third, the inferior minions infiltrated the party in an attempt to maintain its feudal power; Fourth, party members planted the party for personal gain.

At that time, some people in the Socialist Party commented that although the Socialist Party "won a military victory, it was in a terrible political situation, and local tyrants, shoddy gentry, and opportunistic elements infiltrated the party in a hidden way, and pretended to be party members to slander loyal comrades under the pretext of slandering loyal comrades." ”

"The people's faith in their party. At this time, it can be regarded as completely eroded! ”

For the Socialist Party, the purging movement was actually a movement to eliminate talent within the party. Many party members who truly had faith, ideals, and revolutionary enthusiasm were purged. They were eliminated, and some were killed as thugs because they mingled with the masses of workers and peasants.

For example, the wealthy landlords of Zhejiang, "in the name of the Qing Party, falsely accused those who propagandized and advocated rent reduction in various places as thugs, and reported them to various organs. After the various organs accepted the complaint, the major events were searched and arrested, and the innocent victims were difficult to count. This is tantamount to reminding those who remain in the Socialist Party to stop solving social and economic problems in a radical way. On the other hand. Those opportunistic and corrupt elements and local tyrants and shoddy gentry who took advantage of the party for their own gain poured in or remained in the party as they were.

After such a reverse elimination, the people's faith in the Socialist Party plummeted. The Jiangsu Provincial Party Department of the Socialist Party wrote in the report on the purging of the party: "The local tyrants used the name of purging the party to carry out revenge and try to revive. Faithfulness is defiled. There is no distinction between turbidity and reversal of right and wrong. Those who are weak-willed regard the revolution as a daunting path, and those who are enthusiastic will hurt the hopelessness of their own party. And speculation corrupts. one after another", thus leading to "the decline of party morality", "the decline of party power", "the destruction of party planes", and "the loss of the people's faith in the party".

Jiang Wei finally admitted: "During the Qing Party period, after more than half a year, the rebellion of the rioters was extinguished, and the spirit of the Party was also annihilated. ”

Jiang Wei's purging of the party. It can be said that the Socialist Party, which was originally progressive, has been purged into a 'club of the upper class', and the Socialist regime is in the same position as the old warlord regime. It became the umbrella of the local tyrants and inferior gentry, the oppressor of the workers and peasants.

Jiang Wei's practice was unanimously applauded by the new warlords of the Socialist Party, and Feng Xiangyu, Cai Hua, Tang Zhi, Li Zhongren, and Bai Gaoxi also followed Jiang Wei's practice and began to "purge the party." In order to achieve "cooperation in cleaning up the party" and "unifying party affairs," they carried out a series of deliberations and contacts. Feng Xiangyu took the lead and repeatedly e-commerce with all parties, and proposed a specific solution to the cooperation between Nanjing and Han on August 20.

Wang Zhongzheng and others expressed their willingness to "peacefully reunify" and agreed to "move the capital to Nanjing."

Jiang Wei, Li Zhongren, Bai Gaoxi, and others welcomed important elements from Wuhan to Nanjing to take charge of the "government" and agreed to the "joint Northern Expedition" of all parties.

In early September, the two sides basically reached a compromise. At this time, although Wang Zhongzheng and others agreed to cooperate with the Ning side, they still adhered to an anti-Wang attitude and made a lot of noise.

At the same time, Jiang Wei's rejection of dissidents aroused strong dissatisfaction among the Gui family, and Li Zhongren, Bai Gaoxi, and others no longer adopted an active and supportive attitude towards Chiang. Coupled with the defeat of the battle on the Jinpu Line personally commanded by Jiang Wei, it was in a difficult situation. Jiang Wei felt that his position was not yet consolidated, so he adopted the strategy of retreating into advance, and on 15 September he issued a manifesto announcing his resignation as commander-in-chief of the Chinese Revolutionary Army and returning to his hometown of Fenghua, Zhejiang. Soon, he traveled east to Japan.

Jiang Wei's descent accelerated the pace of cooperation between Ningbo and Han.

From 16 to 18 September, representatives of Nanjing, Han, and Shanghai held a meeting in Shanghai to formally announce the establishment of the "Nanjing Federal Government."

Soon after the establishment of the central government, Wang Zhongzheng and Li Zhongren in the Socialist Party were full of contradictions and could not hold each other, so they had to bring out Jiang Wei as a buffer.

In early February 2016, the Fourth Plenary Session of the Third Central Committee of the Socialist Party was held in Nanjing. On 18 February, he concurrently served as chairman of the Nanjing Federal Government, and was one of the three "chairmen."

The Socialist Party officially entered the era of Wang Wei.

These are all afterthoughts, and the Socialist Party's purging of the party will not hinder Xie Niancheng's clique at all, because there is no Socialist Party organization in Xie Niancheng's troops and in the Sichuan government.

Xie Niancheng's private agreement with the Kong family, the Song family, and even Jiang Wei did not have half a discount because of the Qing Party.

If there was any impact, it was that the purging of the party in Hunan and Hubei immediately after the "Ninghan Confluence" in mid-September allowed Luo Wenxuan, Yan Xuejun, Lin Xianyun, and thousands of leftist teachers and students of the Qingpu Military Academy to flee to Sichuan, greatly enriching the strength of the Fifth Group Army.

At the subsequent Fourth Plenary Session of the Third Central Committee of the Socialist Party, Xie Niancheng was elected in absentia as a member of the Central Executive Committee and a member of the Military Commission, which once again strengthened the foundation of his "King of Sichuan". (To be continued......)