Chapter 101: Watching from the Sidelines
Before the storm, although the world will be quiet, the careful person can still see the signs.
Borodin resigned, Liu Yuan couldn't say how he felt about him, whether he was selfish or incapable, but on the road of the Northern Expedition, this bearded man still made a lot of contributions.
Now that the bearded man is leaving, Liu Yuan can see it very clearly, this is Chiang Kai-shek's strategy. In fact, not Chiang Kai-shek, even Liu Yuan can see it very clearly.
There are a lot of capable people in the Wuhan Revolutionary Government, but there are no people who really take the lead, Wang Jingwei is indeed very prestigious, but from the death of Mr. Zhongshan to the present, more and more people in the Nationalist Government are dissatisfied with him.
Mrs. Song Qingling supports Wang Jingwei, but what can the women's family do in the Republic of China. Liu Yuan also has his own supporters, but Liu Yuanyi is too young, and the other is that he is unwilling to participate in the fight.
All Chiang Kai-shek's attack on Borodin was counted as hitting the snake by seven inches. Chiang Kai-shek attacked Borodin in public on more than one occasion, and even openly made anti-Soviet remarks at the meeting at which Li Liejun was inaugurated as chairman of Jiangxi Province, demanding that the revolutionary government expel Borodin.
Just like that, the bearded man left China, and of course the story won't end so simply.
Borodin's departure made Chiang Kai-shek confident that the Wuhan side was extremely weak, and all of them were manipulated by him to convene the Nanchang Conference. The decision to call for the establishment of a political branch in Wuhan and the dissolution of the provisional joint conference. It seems to be jerky, but the meaning is very simple, that is, the Wuhan government is illegal, and he is just a temporary agency of the Nanchang government.
In fact, Chiang Kai-shek underestimated the determination of Wuhan, and Xu Qian of the Wuhan Nationalist Government asked the Kuomintang officials in Nanchang to go to Wuhan three times in a row.
Chiang Kai-shek had no choice but to come to Wuhan in person, firstly to lobby other officials, and secondly, to hope that his students would change their minds.
But what Chiang Kai-shek didn't expect was that as soon as he got off the bus, he was surrounded by the masses, and the people held huge banners in their hands, which were full of words of opposition, and the young students asked, puffing up their chests and asking Chiang Kai-shek, "Why did you disobey the decision of the Kuomintang Central Committee to move the capital to Wuhan, and why did you want to drive out Borodin." Why should the members of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang be detained in Nanchang. ”
The student's words were heart-wrenching, which made Chiang Kai-shek very embarrassed, and in desperation, Chiang Kai-shek didn't even have a chance to go to the military academy to see Liu Yuan, so he left Wuhan.
In the end, the debate over the relocation of the capital was won by the leftists and the CP, and on February 22, a very two-sided decision was made.
Yes, the decision is really two-fold. Under the leadership of the leftists and the CP, the Third Plenary Session of the Second Central Committee was convened, and of course the main participants were leftists and CP party members.
All the contents discussed at the plenary session were talking about two topics, one was to curb Chiang Kai-shek's military power, and Chiang Kai-shek was not the most effective in the army, but had the collective leadership of the military committee. The other is to involve the CP in the government of the Kuomintang and participate in decision-making. The contents of the meeting were recorded in the form of "A Case for Unifying the Revolutionary Forces."
Although Liu Yuan did not participate in this meeting, Liu Yuan can still know the content of the meeting, this group of people is not a show of brains, a group of people without military power, the meeting to limit the military power of those with military power, he wants to die without ambition, but Chiang Kai-shek is a person without military power?
What is rare is that this time the commander-in-chief of the National Revolutionary Army has been weakened, and it is rare that it did not happen, and at this time Liu Yuan knew that the day of separation was really coming.
Liu Yuan is still immersed in teaching and educating people in school, and Deng Yanda has also approached Liu Yuan twice, wanting to discuss the issue of the new government with Liu Yuan, after all, Liu Yuan is also an executive member of the Central Committee and has a lot of influence in the government. The most important reason is that Liu Yuan's faction is very unsupportive of the government after the Third Plenary Session of the Second Central Committee, which makes Deng Yanda very puzzled.
In the end, Wang Jingwei reminded him that Liu Yuan's faction did not get any benefits in the Third Plenary Session of the Second Central Committee, and Deng Yanda's purpose in coming these two times was very simple, nothing more than to make up for the interests of Liu Yuan's small group.
Liu Yuan's injury has healed a lot, and he doesn't need to be a wheelchair anymore, and every day when he goes out of class, he is studying Sun Yat-sen's three ** meanings, and taking the time to interpret him and perfect him. At this time, Liu Yuan regretted it very much, in fact, he should have thought that the prime minister had been forcing him to read the three ** meanings for what he had done, not how perfect he was, but that he was the program of the Kuomintang, and if you want to lead the Kuomintang, you must have your own interpretation of the three ** principles and your own implementation methods. It's not too late for Liu Yuan to find out, he has been making his own efforts.
"Is Principal Liu Yuan really busy! The students are still spending time studying the three meanings after school, and it seems that they are still very dedicated to the party-state President Liu. Deng Yanda didn't let Guo Moruo, who accompanied him, enter Liu Yuan's office, and Deng Yanda didn't know what Lu Dao was doing, Liu Yuan hated Guo Moruo so much.
"Before the prime minister went north to Beijing, he once said to Liu Yuan that Liu Yuan must dedicate his last strength to the country, as a believer in the prime minister, how can he bear to see San**yi being thrown aside by his believers!" If Liu Yuan would definitely pour a cup of tea for Deng Yanda in the past, it would be his teacher after all.
"You know, although I am a leftist, I can't do many things, and it is understandable to cooperate with CP to make some concessions. After all, we needed the support of the USSR. After listening to Liu Yuan's words, Deng Yanda's face was not very good-looking, if he had been talking to him like this by other students, he would have turned his face a long time ago.
"Make concessions, right? What did the prime minister do back then, he let the CP and the Kuomintang participate in the national government, but yours, what did you do, let the CP participate in the national government, then our government is still not ours, if the prime minister knows about it, how can you let him look at it. Liu Yuanzhi said that his words were difficult to hear, but this was already because of his restraint, otherwise the words would be even more difficult to hear.
"Liu Yuan is responsible for what he says, do you support Chiang Kai-shek**? Moreover, Mr. Nakayama also supports bipartisan cooperation. "Deng Yanda is here to seek Liu Yuan's support today, and he hasn't left yet.
"Mr. Zhongshan supports the cooperation between the two parties, but he didn't let you sell the party and buy the country, you go, I won't support you, rest assured that we won't support the principal, after all, he has moved closer to imperialism, and I, Liu Yuan, will not sell the party, let alone the country." Liu Yuan waved his hand and motioned to see off the guests.
Deng Yanda's expression was very embarrassed, Liu Yuan's words just now were said on behalf of some of his party members in the central and local governments, Liu Yuan was not Deng Yanda's student at that time, he represented a group of people, and Deng Yanda was not easy to say.
Deng Yanda pushed away and was about to leave, and with a squeak, Deng Yanda saw Guo Moruo with an anxious face, and shook his head to signal that today's mission had failed.
Guo Moruo shook his head, squeezed his eyes at Deng Yanda, and pushed Deng Yanda into Liu Yuan's principal's office. Regarding Deng Yanda's return and return, Liu Yuan didn't say anything, just put down the pen in his hand and looked at Deng Yanda quietly.
Looking at Deng Yanda's slightly pleading gaze, she still couldn't bear it in her heart, and sighed, "Teacher, if you have anything to say, just say it." Now I am not a member of the Central Executive Committee, I am your junior cadet in the military academy. ”
Deng Yanda was also very bitter in his heart, the young students of the year were already on an equal footing with him. "Fuguo, now we leftists are in difficulty, don't you want to say something? After all, we are also believers in the Prime Minister. ”
Liu Yuan sighed, "Teacher, if you go wrong, you will make a mistake, since you have chosen the wrong one, be prepared to face the storm, don't underestimate the principal, he has military power in his hands, Liu Yuan can only say so much, after all, that is my teacher." ”
Liu Yuan's words were only half said, but Deng Yanda already understood the meaning of Liu Yuan's words, at this time, Deng Yanda broke out in a cold sweat and wrote a few words lightly on Liu Yuan's paper, everyone follow Liu Yuan, I can rest assured. Deng Yanda. February 28, 1927.