On August 8, the long-awaited demonstrations that swept Myanmar finally erupted, and pamphlets and leaflets denouncing the Senglun junta began to be distributed in many cities, including the capital, Yangon, at the instigation of so-called Burmese democrats and the sponsorship of foreign zealists. As in a similar event in the Celestial Empire in another plane, a section of the self-proclaimed so-called progressives enthusiastically accepted the help of comrades from the "freer and more democratic" countries, listened to their advice, and believed that if things went awry, these "freer and more democratic" countries would make it easy for them to flee.

Students, peasants, workers, government officials, monks, teachers, medical personnel, and even some members of the air and navy marched in part, and podiums were set up in the city's hospitals, stadiums, and squares as the main venues for demonstrations. On the evening of the 8th, the junta declared martial law, but the agitated demonstrators ignored the junta's martial law, and more and more people gathered to put pressure on the junta.

After about four or five days of relatively peaceful protests, demonstrators, who had lost patience and had not waited for a response, began to resort to more drastic tactics, some throwing Molotov cocktails, knives, stones, poison darts and bicycle strips at the army. Some even set fire to a police station, killing four policemen.

Seeing that the situation was getting out of control, the junta mobilized troops from all over the country into Yangon to maintain order and began to carry out clearance activities in Yangon. Thousands of people were arrested, and a large number of demonstrators who violently rebelled against government forces were shot dead. Under such increasing pressure, Sheng Lun announced his resignation and stepped down, and Maung Maung, the only non-general civilian official of the Platform Party, became the president of Myanmar, and even agreed to the multi-party system, the lifting of military control, and the withdrawal of troops from urban areas to show his sincerity.

It's just that in a country like Myanmar, where do you really understand that the true meaning of running democracy lies not in one-person-one-vote, multi-party elections, but in communication and compromise, and the protesters, who think they have the upper hand, have begun to demand more conditions from the Maung government, proposing that the Programme Party withdraw from power and form an interim government.

It can be said that this is the biggest trick made by the so-called democracy fighters who do not understand democracy, who lack patience, and the military junta is also not impatient. When they stir up public opinion, they seem to have the power to reach heaven, but they forget that the military government has the political resources and the barrel of a gun.

The demonstrators, who have gained an inch by inch, are unwilling to accept the significant gains they have made, and instead push the ruling program party and military regime to the upper line of thought. Everyone knows what the consequences will be if he surrenders power and has a few provisional governments that are hostile to him take power, and even surrenders the army. Democracy fighters will not remember that those who did these things were also responsible, and that the previous crackdown on demonstrations and the shooting of demonstrators, as well as the injustices and atrocities of the military junta, will be liquidated. No matter how idiotic the junta is, it is impossible for the military junta to give the authority of Tai'a and let the fighters of democracy use themselves as sacrifices for the cause of democracy.

At this time, all kinds of characters appeared on the scene, in order to seek political capital in such a change. Aung San Suu Kyi ignored the fact that her mother was in need of care in the hospital, leaving her seriously ill mother aside, and instead went to the Shwedagon Temple on August 26 to give a speech to half a million people. It was this speech that established this woman's unshakable position in the history of democracy in Myanmar. (Aung San Suu Kyi's mother, Khin Kyi, had a strong Western background, and died of a stroke after being abandoned by her daughter and subsequently placed under house arrest.)

Former President U Nu, who was ousted by the military junta, and former military general Aung Gi and others could not remember that they were also part of the repression of others, so they jumped out and shouted in support of the people's demands and canceled the ruling position of the Platform Party. The day after Aung San Suu Kyi's speech, the National League for Democracy (NLD) was established at the initiative of Aung San Suu Kyi, Aung Kyi and others.

On 18 September, just when these opponents thought they were about to gain power and that a group of people who had been incited to discontent with the situation could counterattack the military junta, on 18 September, the National Committee for the Restoration of Law and Order, chaired by General Su Maung, took over all of Burma's state power "in order to put an end to the deteriorating situation in all aspects of the country." The committee, which is made up of 19 senior generals, decided to impose martial law and crack down on the protesters. The army marched into the country's major cities and opened fire indiscriminately on demonstrators.

After learning of this incident, Qi Yiming of Jingshi was both excited and regretful. The 8888 incident in Myanmar is basically exactly the same as the failed Democracy movement that broke out in many countries in the world in the late 80s and early 90s. Qi Yiming believes that the movement in Myanmar could have had a chance to succeed, but I don't know if the organizers of the event are too incompetent, or if the real people behind the scenes want to see the process of peaceful political reform in Myanmar at all, so the continuous increase has led to the occurrence of the most tragic event.

On the other hand, Myanmar finally completed the path of being ideologically transformed by the West more than 30 years later, but in the final analysis, Myanmar's ruling power is a bit brainless, and Myanmar is too small to resist the continuous peaceful evolution without foreign aid.

Chinese and foreign countries are contrasting with each other, and Qi Yiming is very glad that he has used many means to appease the situation in China. Internally, the main motivation for the poor economy and the low living standards of the people has been removed, and people's main attention is focused on making a fortune. In terms of the external environment, the nationalism led by Qi Yiming made the Chinese people know how to look outward in advance, instead of narrowly looking at themselves with a biased eye, and moreover, as a major assistant of the United States in the fight against the Soviet Union, the Americans were reluctant to use a peaceful evolution to collapse China's stability and dissipate China's combat strength, so their brazen large-scale bribery of the Belt and Road Party and remote command did not expand.

No matter what Qi Yiming thinks of those in his own country on the other side and Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar on this plane, he knows that this is a very good opportunity to take advantage of the Burmese Communist Party's control of Myanmar.

In the week of the bloody storm of the National Commission for the Restoration of Law and Order in Burma, about 1,000 people involved in the movement were killed, a large number of political "political" criminals were arrested, and hundreds were rumored to have been killed outside the US Embassy. A large number of frightened people fled the city and hid in the forest.

On the sixth day of the military junta's atrocities, Dechenpa, the supreme leader of the Communist Party of Burma (CPM), who had seized northern Myanmar, publicly declared through the Western media that the military junta, which brutally slaughtered the people, was illegal, and that the CPM, in order to save the persecuted people, to establish a democratic state, and to achieve a federal system of true national autonomy, would send 20,000 troops from northern Myanmar to the south.

I don't know if I have read too many ancient Chinese poems, Deqinba climbed to the top and chanted proudly: "If you don't break Yangon, you will not return!" ”

Because of the turmoil in the country, the Burmese military junta has drawn troops from various places to defend the capital, and the rest of the country has naturally been empty in defense. If it was the Communist Party of Burma in another plane, which was about to finish playing on its own, it would naturally not have the ability to launch such a large-scale southern expedition, but the new Communist Party of Burma, which had been fattened and strengthened by Qi Yiming and stimulated, marched on foot on the night of the day that Dechenpa ascended to the top and announced the southern expedition to conquer Lashio, an important town controlled by the Shan State government army.

The CPMA in Lashio did not encounter any fierce resistance, and a brigade of KPA crushed the government troops who had no intention of fighting after a wave of charges, and a large number of government troops surrendered to the CPM under a large group of Burmese Red Police soldiers shouting Burmese to surrender their guns and not kill.

After laying Lashio, the Burmese Communist Party obtained the door to the essence of the plains of Burma, and from Lashio to the south, there were roads that could be used although the conditions were not good, and Qi Yiming hurriedly transferred the No. 5 base in Yunnan to the vicinity of Lashio, providing the Burmese Communist Party with military trucks that looked at most the level of the liberation of the Great Truck in the sixties and seventies.

Moving the base to Lashio is equivalent to saving the embarrassing logistics mode of having tens of thousands of soldiers and civilians carry them on their shoulders and use donkeys, Qi Yiming also breathed a sigh of relief, "Finally returned to the period of modern warfare." ”

With sufficient logistical and replenishment capabilities, Qi Yiming also generously equipped the Red Police Brigade of the Communist People's Army of Burma with more heavy weapons, mainly towed artillery originating in his country, such as 122mm howitzers, 152mm howitzers, and even six 203mm heavy guns exported from China.

As for infantry fighting vehicles, tanks, and other things with too high technical content, he did not allocate much to the People's Army, only a small number of Type 86 imitation BMP-1 tracked infantry fighting vehicles and 59D tanks for maneuvering and transportation, and the number was only a few dozen.

In order to cover up people's eyes, the Communist People's Army of Burma also pretended to raid the arsenals and barracks of several government troops, as if their equipment had been captured, and it was obvious that the Burmese government army had not yet learned to explain at this time, so it was also convenient to cover up the source of the KPA equipment.

On the second day after taking Lashio, the KPA did not have a long rest, and on the second day after taking Lashio, he once again declared to the whole country: "We are not here to engage in secession and warlord warfare, but to save hundreds of thousands of people who are being persecuted by the illegal government, and the KPA will continue its march south until the destruction of the independent government." ”

A reporter asked Ba Dengding whether they would become the new military government after they really defeated the military government, Ba Dengding Ha Luha smiled and said solemnly: "I solemnly promise once again that after defeating the military government, the Communist Party of Burma will definitely not follow the old road of dictatorship and autocracy, and we will convene a national political and political consultation and consultation meeting, invite representatives from all walks of life to attend the meeting to formulate a new constitution of our country, and organize and supervise the first national general election, so that the people can elect a government that can represent themselves!" ”

The reporter kept asking, "Then if the Burmese Communist Party loses the election, but the military power is still in the hands of the Burmese Communist Party, what will you do?" ”

"If the CPM loses the election, but the people who we call for are the masters of the country, the regional ethnic autonomy has been implemented, and our revolution has succeeded, even if we do not gain power, we will not pursue it any further," said Pattenham. After the success of the revolution, the People's Army will be reorganized into a federal army, and ethnic minority units will have the option to return to their hometowns to join the local security forces. We, the Communist Party of Burma, have said that we will certainly fulfill this promise, but now we ask the righteous people of the whole country to stand with us and carry the revolution through to the end! ”