In fact, Mitsumasa Yonechi and others opposed the expansion of the war and had this deeper concern, and although Seishiro Itagaki's plan to strengthen ties with Germany and Italy and even conclude a military alliance was not adopted for the time being, there were many supporters. Menet, Yamamoto, Inoue, and others held that if Japan concluded an alliance or held consultations with Germany, there would soon be a danger of triggering a war between Japan and the United States, and that if Japan got involved in the whirlpool of war against the United States, it would be quite dangerous and unbearable for the Japanese navy. The unequivocal opposition of Minai and Yamamoto in recent months prevented further escalation of the proposal to strengthen the Japan-Germany agreement, temporarily saving Japan from the trap.

In the face of a large amount of data, the army side was criticized by Minai, Yamamoto, Inoue and others, although they still did not agree to peace talks with China, but many high-level leaders, including Prime Minister Konoe Fumima, have agreed with the suggestions of Mitsumasa Yonechi and others, so the next thing becomes how to negotiate with China, what is the bottom line of the Japanese Empire?

Since the outbreak of the full-scale war of aggression against China in 1937, Japan has not been in contact with the Chinese government, but each negotiation has ended in failure, and the Japanese side is not very sure of the outcome of this negotiation.

It was decided by the Imperial Council that the intelligence department would first send an officer of the rank of Dazuo or below to have limited contact with the Chinese government, and if the Chinese government was sincere about the peace talks, then the two sides would negotiate at a higher level. But the peace talks must be swift, and must not be tied to the government of China, because the empire will not be able to drag on for long.

Under the instructions of the Japanese high-level, the Japanese Suzuki Zhuo Nakasa and Song Ziwen's brother Song Ziliang secretly met in Hong Kong, and the Japanese side began contact with Chongqing. Prior to this, in mid-December, Suzuki Nakasa, through the mediation of Professor Zhang Zhiping of the University of Hong Kong, had requested a meeting with Soong Ziwen's brother Soong Ziliang, but Soong Ziliang refused on the grounds that he needed his brother's consent. This time, it was Song who took the initiative to request the talks. Therefore, Suzuki Nakasa believes. This may be a reflection of the intentions of Song Ziwen or the Chongqing government.

In fact, it was not the real Song Ziliang who met with Suzuki Zhuoer. Rather, it was pretended to be an agent of the Military Command Bureau. Regarding the peace talks with Japan, Lao Chiang had quite doubts in his heart. In fact, from 37 years onwards, Lao Chiang had been trying to make contact with the Japanese, and the Nationalist Government had already conducted two secret negotiations with the Japanese army before Suzuki Zhuo Zhongsa.

The first was the "secret negotiations between Yu and Kong" in 1938, which was the first time that Chiang Kai-shek took the initiative to request "peace negotiations" with Japan, and this time the representatives sent by both sides were not low-level. On the Nationalist government's side, there is Kong Xiangxi, the new president of the Executive Yuan and foreign minister. The Japanese side sent Army General Kazunari Ugaki. At that time, Senior General Kazunari Ugaki was the foreign minister of the reshuffled Konoe Cabinet, and it can be said that the peace talks were negotiations at the level of foreign ministers of the two countries.

Lao Jiang has the highest expectations for that peace talks, after all, he himself has a good personal relationship with Ugaki Issei. Because Chiang died in Japan after the failure of the "Second Revolution", Ugaki Kazunari took care of him and formed a friendship. After Chiang came to power, he sent Zhang Qun to Tokyo and Seoul (the capital of North Korea) on many occasions to exchange views with Ugaki Kazusei on Sino-Japanese relations. In view of the severe situation in view of the loss of Shanghai-Nanjing and Xuzhou, and the fierce attack of the Japanese army on Wuhan, Chiang Kai-shek ordered Zhang Qun, vice president of the Executive Yuan and secretary general of the Supreme Council of National Defense, to send a telegram in May 1938 to congratulate Ugaki on his completion of his post, and at the same time put forward the hope that peace talks with Japan could be held, and even made Wang Jingwei, the leader of the pro-Japanese faction, the ambassador of negotiations.

The Japanese side was not very active in the request for peace talks put forward by the Nationalist Government, and even refused to let Wang Jingwei serve as ambassador for the peace talks. In the minds of people in your country, as soon as they hear about Zhang Qun or Wang Zhaoming, they will immediately think that they are pro-Japanese giants. The Japanese are talking to you and Wang Zhaoming at the forefront of the negotiations, and it is very easy to get along. However, the people of your country will denounce this as a pro-Japanese faction, who betrayed the country in pursuit of glory and put the negotiations in a bad position. At the same time, Ugaki named Kong Xiangxi, the new president of the Executive Yuan, who wanted to "have no deep relations with Japan," to make representations.

On June 26, 1938, the "secret negotiations between Ugaki Kazunari and Kong Xiangxi" were held in Hong Kong in the form of a "preparatory meeting" between the Japanese Consul General in Hong Kong, Nakamura Toyoichi, and the Secretary of the Executive Yuan, Qiao Fusan.

In this negotiation, Japan's Ugaki wai put forward six demands on the Chinese side: (1) recognition of Manchurian independence; (2) North China and Inner Mongolia are designated as 'special areas';( (3) compensation to Japan; (4) economic cooperation and joint development of (China's) resources; (5) stationing troops in certain areas; (6) China accepting Japanese advisers or other mentors.

As the battle of Wuhan was in full swing at that time, it was eager to seek a compromise, so the Nationalist Government, after careful consideration of the Japanese army's demands, made unprecedented concessions to Japan on the issue of "Manchurian independence"; "It's okay to set up special areas in Inner Mongolia.";" With regard to the acceptance of (Japanese) consultants, the joint development of resources is a good thing, and the conditions of the Japanese are almost completely accepted.

However, Kong Xiangxi made some requests from the domestic situation in China: "It is very difficult for us to openly recognize the independence of Manchuria in the treaty, and we can only quietly and gradually implement it. For example, consuls are set up first, and all economic issues are resolved by the consular staff. If there are many political problems that cannot be solved by the consul, then a minister or ambassador will be sent. At the same time, it is not appropriate to set up a special area in North China, and China cannot afford to pay reparations to Japan. ”

In fact, the Nationalist Government had already made the greatest concessions, but at the end of the day, Japan tried to use "Chiang Kai-shek's resignation" as one of the "conditions for submission" of the Chinese central government. After many meetings between the two sides, Japan's demand for "Chiang Kai-shek's resignation" was the focus of the negotiations, and it was also the crux of the difficulty in reaching a compromise.

In order to facilitate the peace talks, the Nationalist Government even put forward a concession plan: "If Kong Xiangxi himself resigns as the president of the Executive Yuan with full responsibility, at least until the completion of the implementation of the treaty, Mr. Chiang will remain in his original position." ”

However, the Japanese side categorically refused. In order to reach a compromise. Kong Xiangxi promised to take a Japanese warship to Nagasaki to meet directly with Foreign Minister Ugaki. In the end, the hardliners of the Japanese Army, Seishiro Itagaki and Hideki Tojo, insisted that "Chiang Kai-shek go to the field" and forced Foreign Minister Ugaki to resign by means of establishing the "Koyain," and in the end the negotiations ended without a hitch.

The second negotiation was in 1939 between Du Shishan, a Fuxing Society under the direct command of Chiang Lao, and the Japanese Kayano Nagachi and Ogawa Hirayochi. In January 1939, at the Fifth Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, Lao Chiang decided on the policies of "dissolving the Communist Party", "preventing the Communist Party", "limiting the Communist Party", and "opposing the Communist Party". Against this historical background, on 4 March, he sent a telegram to Du Shishan, head of the Hong Kong office, instructing him to hold "peace talks" with Japan, with the following principles: "the foundation of peace" and "in particular, we must not ignore the actual state of affairs in China before and after the Lugou Bridge incident."

On March 16, Song Meiling visited Hong Kong for guidance. On the 17th, Liu Yunlong, Du Shishan, and Xuanye Changzhi began negotiations in room 350 of the Hong Kong Hotel. Liu Yunlong put forward the following conditions:

equality and mutual concessions;

restore the status quo ante to the Lugou Bridge incident;

territorial (integrity), sovereignty (independence);

(Japan) withdrawal of troops;

signing of anti-communist pact;

China is in favor of economic cooperation;

not to hold accountable the personnel of the Restoration Government and the Provisional Government;

A separate agreement was made with Manchuria.

March 24th. Former Japanese Minister of Railways Ogawa Heiyoshi arrived in Hong Kong to participate in the negotiations. The Japanese side did not comment on Liu Yunlong's conditions. Early April. Ogawa Heiyoshi put forward a "prerequisite" for the peace talks, that is, he asked Chiang Kai-shek to change the phrase "tolerating the communists to resist Japan" to "excluding the communists and pro-Japanese," first crusading against the communists, and then implementing a partial armistice. At the same time, "peace negotiations" began.

This "prerequisite question" was raised in the context of the growing anti-Japanese forces such as the Eighth Route Army. It shows that the Japanese side regards "courting the communists" as the basis for a compromise between Japan and Chiang. This is the obvious difference between the content of the Hong Kong negotiations and the previous peace talks. Du Shishan reported to Song Meiling the "prerequisite issue" raised by Xiao Chuan to first discuss the Communist Party. Song said that it could be handled in secret. Subsequently, Du called Jiang for instructions, and Jiang replied to "handle it with a secret agreement".

The treacherous Ogawa tests Chiang's sincerity. He pointed out: "The content of the plan is extremely delicate and secret, and it cannot be discussed in detail without meeting with Chairman Chiang's confidants and dignitaries. Chiang Kai-shek heard Xiaochuan's request to send Kong Xiangxi or Ju Zheng to Hong Kong, but he was hesitant. Du Shishan prevaricated Xiaochuan: This negotiation was secretly conducted by Jiang Zhi's "descendants". Liu Yunlong is the son of Chairman Chiang's aunt and directly communicates with Chiang by secret telegram. In addition, Chen Cheng has sent the chief of staff to Hong Kong to explain the preparations for dealing with the Communists: 700,000 troops in Shanxi and Shaanxi provinces have encircled the communist forces, and the students of the communist departments of the military academies have been expelled from them. On May 11, Ogawa Hirayoshi sent a direct letter to Chiang Kai-shek: "In this difficult situation, resolutely do not be confused, such as wielding a quick knife and cutting through the mess, this is true to the heroic and heroic deeds." "Please send important officials to Hong Kong, or allow Xiaochuan to go to Chongqing with Xuanye to listen to the teaching.

Xiaochuan's secret letter was transferred to Chongqing, and Chiang submitted it to a meeting of the cadres of his descendants for discussion. But the matter was learned by Yan'an and the Gui department. Yan'an demanded that "the lord and personnel are wanted", and asked Chiang to fulfill the anti-Japanese covenant in Xi'an, and not to compromise halfway; The Gui faction claimed: If peace is negotiated, the Guangxi army will fight alone.

At a time when Chiang was entangled in the issue of dispatching dignitaries, Wang Jingwei's campaign to descend to Japan had already made progress. Tokyo has decided to implement the policy of "overthrowing Chiang Liwang." On September 13, the Japanese government announced that it would support Wang Jingwei to establish a central government as its policy policy. As a result, Xuanye Nagachi left Hong Kong on October 13, and Japan-Chiang negotiations came to a halt.

With the first two peace talks, Lao Chiang was not very enthusiastic about the Japanese request for peace talks, on the one hand, because he thought that the Japanese had a great appetite and that Lao Chiang's current position in the Nationalist Government could not satisfy his huge ambitions at all. Once he made peace with the Japanese army, he himself would face tremendous pressure from both inside and outside the country, and even fall as a result.

Secondly, the performance of the Japanese army on various battlefields is far less than that when the war first began, and the Kuomintang troops have the ability to compete with the Japanese army in some local battles, which also allows Lao Chiang to straighten his waist and speak.

The most important thing is that making peace with Japan is fundamentally contrary to the anti-Japanese strategy formulated by Jiang Baili and others for him before the war, and in Jiang Baili's words, the ultimate outcome of letting the tiger return to the mountains is to raise the tiger for trouble. (To be continued......)