The Capitol Hill of the Nanyang Republic, like many other countries, is called Capitol Hill, the place where the Parliament meets. The Nanyang Parliament is a unicameral parliament and has more power than an ordinary bicameral parliament. The Nanyang political system is more Western-leaning and belongs to a semi-presidential system with its own style, and elections are still a very important part of Nanyang's political life.

Unlike many other Western-style democracies in East Asia, the Nanyang Diet is generally much more moderate and stable, of course, the main reason for this situation is that the ruling Nanyang Social Democratic Party occupies 305 of the 326 seats in the Diet, and has an absolute majority, which makes it difficult for the opposition to achieve any political goals.

To a certain extent, the proportion of seats of the Social Democratic Party in the Nanyang Congress is higher than that of the CPC in China's National People's Congress.

In 1990, Nanyang held its first mid-term Diet election, replacing half of the legislators, but this re-election gave the SPD four more seats. The opposition coalition did not reach an agreement in the final election campaign, and the SPD's tight organization and propaganda ability in the nature of CP made it highly recognized among its own people, coupled with the rapid economic development and high social stability in the two years in power, which won the SPD a large number of popular supports.

The political situation in the Nanyang Republic is not due to the intention of the ruling SPD to suppress other parties, but to the people's own choice. In terms of the division of constituencies and the opening of political parties, in fact, the election is relatively fair, and it will not rely on many small means to maintain the status of the ruling party like the original Singapore. People don't choose opposition parties, they simply don't trust them.

The opposition parties have also made a lot of efforts to change this unfavorable situation, such as talking about the need to increase the number of seats in the National Assembly in order to expand the number of voices and increase the number of different voices, and some people have even unknowingly violated the constitutional principle of racial equality by proposing to increase the voice of ethnic minorities and make ethnic minorities more dominant in the division of electoral districts and weights.

These are basically difficult to achieve, and to achieve this, the constitution must be amended, and constitutional amendments require the consent of a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly and a three-fourths majority in the local councils, which is simply not possible with the current political opposition.

At the end of 1992, the second presidential election of the Nanyang Republic was held, and the opposition parties did not yet have a more appealing candidate, and eighty percent of them were similar to the first election, and the threshold of less than 5 percent of the candidates in the first round of voting was directly brushed down, and the incumbent President Wang Wuguo should be re-elected without surprise. Even if the opposition to the re-election of the Reichstag can win a few more seats, I am afraid that the absolute majority will still be in the hands of the SPD.

The opposition's strategy is not to win the election, but to maximize its influence, which is also a kind of helplessness. At this time, however, the opposition had a golden opportunity to present itself on the issue of war between the two neighboring countries across the sea from the Nanyang Republic, Malaysia and Indonesia.

The war did not directly threaten the security of the Nanyang Republic, but it did cause concern among some Nanyang people. The opposition used this to talk about using the influence of the Nanyang Republic as a regional power and protecting its own people, accusing the government and the SPD of inaction, which could put the Nanyangs in greater danger.

Such a statement naturally drew the approval of some nationalists and patriots, and the opposition was quite convulsive for a while, because this was their first political offensive and received widespread attention across the country. Some opposition politicians, believing that they had the pulse of the people, jumped out and made radical remarks, demanding that the government send troops to resolve the imminent crisis and protect the security of Nanyang.

However, at the same time, there are some more rational voices reflecting that the war between Malaysia and Indonesia is not directly related to the South Seas, and if you self-righteously step forward, and do not mention the situation that you may cause casualties to your own soldiers, what is the so-called hatred to yourself.

In fact, this is also a major drawback of Western-style democracy, as if extreme policies do not appear after multiple checks and balances, and some democracy fighters are proud to say that the policies produced under democracy may not be the best, but they are definitely not the worst. But the reality is that politicians in some countries lack the necessary ethics and persistence, and they belong to the typical wall-to-wall grass, and whoever has a strong voice will echo what. This has led to typical populist politics, where politicians who are supposed to lead and help the people become amplifiers of populist ideas and voices, and they don't have their own political norms about what gets them elected and powered.

On the other hand, the government and politicians lack a sense of responsibility and responsibility, and as soon as the people speak out on the right side, they immediately change their course, and it turns out that the earliest plan was correct in hindsight. Many Taiwanese people feel a special sense of complacency when they find that they can become a reality as long as they make excessively radical voices, so whenever it comes to sensitive affairs, the voices generated by the Taiwanese people must be the most biased and fierce under the adjustment of various conditions, and eventually the government without backbone will also sway with the wind, and major things cannot be accomplished, and regional competitiveness will gradually weaken.

At this time, the Nanyang Republic had not yet reached this point, and the SPD controlled the parliament and the government, and also enjoyed a relatively strong voice in the voice, although some radical voices had emerged, but the SPD side could also mobilize its own pen and courage to neutralize the radical voices, and the SPD regime had good patience and perseverance, and it was impossible to say that there was a fire when it saw a spark.

However, in response to the intensifying war between Malaysia and Indonesia, the Nanyang Parliament also held a concentrated discussion, and those opposition MPs naturally did not miss this opportunity to launch some alarmist remarks to attract attention. These opposition parties, who think they have found the right course of development, will indeed use this opportunity to attract some voters who are close to their doctrine, but a larger number of moderate and stable centrist voters will inevitably distance themselves from them.

The SPD, which occupies ninety out of threes of the parliament, will naturally not be swayed by a few cats and dogs of the opposition party, and the SPD, which imitates the CPC line, has a strict organizational form, especially in this Western-style democratic system, the party organization requires parliamentarians to maintain a high degree of unity with the party line, and the party whip in the parliament will also ensure that everyone votes according to the decisions made at the party congress.

“…… According to the proposal of Councillor Ko Yuen Kyung, the vote on whether to submit a request to the government to send military forces to intervene in the war between Malaysia and Indonesia is now open. Speaker Lin Jixiang first asked the National Assembly to discuss whether to pass the opposition's troop bill. Naturally, the Nanyang Diet does not have the power to send troops, but it can submit a proposal to the government to send troops, which is a so-called forced phenomenon, because the normal process of sending troops is that the presidential office and the cabinet sign an order to send troops, and then submit it to the National Assembly for deliberation, and the majority vote passes.

The results of the vote were clear, with more than eighty percent of parliamentarians disagreeing to be unjustifiably involved in a war that had nothing to do with them. However, the SPD did not want the opposition to portray the government's inaction as acceptable, and its own MPs put forward a new proposal: to warn Malaysia and Indonesia not to allow the war to spread to the Nanyang Republic, and that any action that would harm the people and interests of the Nanyang Republic would be regarded as a provocation and should be retaliated.

The proposal was unanimously approved. On the other hand, the official government of Nanyang has also made some moves, such as increasing the patrol intensity of the Nanyang Navy in the Java Sea, and the Air Force has also strengthened the surveillance intensity of the war, which is actually squeezing the combat space between the two countries, because if the expansion is too large, it is likely to clash with the powerful Nanyang Defense Force, which no one wants to see at that time.

The Nanyang Navy built a new naval base in the southern bay of Belitung Island, east of Sumatra, and even built a town here, Amaranthong, which was called Amaranth Naval Base in order to supply the naval base. The conditions of the harbor here are not very good, although the harbor is wide, but the water is not deep, Qi Yiming also sent red police engineering equipment to clean up the water.

The main purpose of the naval base here is to monitor and defend Malaysia and Indonesia. The Nanyang Navy deploys two 054A frigates, three 056 corvettes and one 039A submarine on this regular basis, plus some auxiliary vessels. After the issuance of the military order of the Ministry of National Defense, the Nanyang Navy transferred two 052A destroyers and two 054A frigates to the area to enhance the military presence of the Nanyang Navy in the Java Sea.

The trick worked, fearing that it would unnecessarily draw the South Seas into the war, and both the Malaysian and Indonesian navies consciously suspended the confrontation at sea, and the battle returned to the ground in Lampung province.

Soon Sidi's South Malaysian Army invaded Lampung Province, and his armored troops based on T-55 tanks and BMP-1 armored vehicles moved south along the road, broke through the Indonesian army's multiple defense lines, and captured half of Lampung Province in a small half a week, making the Indonesian army a storm for a while.

Unwilling to be defeated, President Suharto sent more Indonesian troops from Java to Lampung Province in Sumatra, and the two sides launched a larger-scale strangulation in Mehtro, which ended in a tie. Sidi ordered the South Malaysian Army not to attack in a hurry, but instead connived at the Malay soldiers to rob and destroy the Javanese villages in Lampung Province everywhere, robbing wealth and **** women, causing major damage to Lampung Province.

Suharto gritted his teeth at this, but he did not have enough strength to drive Sidi out of Lampung Province, and finally had to file a complaint with the United Nations, hoping to use the power of the international community to drive the Malay army out of Lampung Province. The United Nations then issued an ultimatum demanding that Sidi immediately withdraw from Indonesian soil, and Sidi saw that he had almost taken advantage of the advantage and had played a role in weakening Indonesia, so he complied with the United Nations and withdrew his troops from Lampung Province and declared a unilateral ceasefire.

Although the Malaysian-Indian crisis has been resolved, it has made the tension between Malaysia and Indonesia even more intense, and it seems that the next fight will only be a matter of time.