In March 1917, with the issuance of the Provisional Government's amnesty, the Bolshevik leaders who had lived abroad and were exiled to the frontier returned to Petersburg.

At the time of the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks were not ready for it, either organizationally or ideologically. Although the Bolsheviks in Petersburg took an active part in the movement, on the whole did not have a significant impact on the February Revolution. The organization of the Bolsheviks in the whole country was greatly damaged, with no more than 23,000 members and about 2,000 in St. Petersburg, which was much weaker than the rest of the political forces. Because a large number of leaders were not in the capital, it was Shlopnikov, Molotov and others who presided over the Central Bureau at that time, and they could not control and appeal to the whole party. In addition, the Bolshevik Central Committee was divided in its judgment of the nature of the February Revolution and the situation that followed. Even in Petersburg, two leadership centers appeared in the Bolsheviks, one of the Central Bureau of Russia, the other of the Petersburg Committee. The Central Directorate took a more leftist stance towards the Provisional Government, which issued a statement that the present Provisional Government was counter-revolutionary in its essence, since it stood on the side of the bourgeoisie and the aristocracy. Therefore, there can be no compromise with it. The Central Directorate declared that its objective was to establish a provisional revolutionary government of a democratic nature.

The position of the Petersburg Committee, which had a great influence among the Petersburg workers, was much more realistic. His statement stated that the Petersburg Committee did not oppose the powers of the Provisional Government, provided that its actions were in the interests of the proletariat and the broad masses of democrats. This attitude is basically the same as that of the Mensheviks, who parted ways with the Bolsheviks.

The Central Bureau tried to correct the position of the Petersburg Commission. But the latter didn't buy it. At a meeting convened by the Central Bureau, the Petersburg Committee said that the committee's propositions were fully in line with the current situation and in the interests of the party. The instructions of the Central Bureau should be handed over to the Petersburg Committee for study, because it relied on the masses. The Central Bureau, which was above the Petersburg Committee, had no influence over the Petersburg Committee and was forced to revise its views.

On the question of the treatment of war, the Petersburg Commission believed that the fight should continue, and that peace was peace without reparations, not surrender.

This situation did not change until mid-March. On March 12, Kamenev and Joseph, who had been exiled in Siberia, returned to Petersburg, where they first accused Pravda as an instrument of public opinion. The authority of the Central Bureau was strengthened. But they did not yet think that the bourgeois revolution could be transformed into a socialist revolution now. Kamenev's speech at the meeting of the Central Bureau was quite representative. "Are we mature enough to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat? No. But the time will come. It is not bad for us to postpone its arrival, because we are not strong enough now. ”

At the All-Russian Party Congress, held from 27 to 29 March, the Bolsheviks passed a resolution to give conditional support to the Provisional Government. At this meeting, it was also decided to form a committee composed of Kamenev, Joseph, Nogan and others. Talks with the Mensheviks on joint issues.

If the situation continues like this. Russia is really going to become a republic. The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were moving towards a legitimate opposition. Until the beginning of April, Ulyanov returned to his homeland from Switzerland without difficulty. It was only then that the policy of the Bolsheviks underwent a heavy shift.

Chubov was still a long way from Chubov, a minor figure in the Bolshevik Party, a member of the district committee. was a cadre of the Petersburg Committee. Because of his performance in the February Revolution, Chubov was valued by Yakov and other high-ranking members of the Petersburg Committee. Yakov, who had been arrested and imprisoned in support of the February Revolution, had been released by the Provisional Government, but Yakov, who had been imprisoned for more than 20 days, was still grateful to Chubov for reminding him that if he had listened to Chubov's advice at that time, he would not have been arrested by the agents of the Security Bureau, and it was Yakov's regret that he missed the most intense days of the February Revolution. In this matter, Yakov considered Chubov to be a keen observer and foresight, and a worker cadre worthy of trust and training.

By the way, Yakov's political position, like the overwhelming majority of the Petersburg Committee, was in favor of supporting the Provisional Government in power.

Chubov has always been in close contact with his true "master". As he became increasingly valued by the Bolsheviks, the Russian Section of the International Bureau of the General Administration of State Security intensified its control and training of him, and he was even placed in his daily contact point in the Spanish restaurant to receive inquiries from Brigadier General Li Sancai and instructions on the next steps. In fact, he could go directly to the liaison office of the Nevsky Expeditionary Force to report his work, but Li Sancai still followed the basic guidelines for secret work stipulated by the State Security Administration, and did not let this foreign agent, who had been in the State Security Administration for eight years and had proven to be extremely loyal, appear in the Chinese military organs. After the success of the February Revolution, Li Sancai adjusted the organizational structure and operation mode of the Petersburg Station in accordance with the opinions of the General Administration, and divided the Petersburg Station into two. Among them, Station A, led by Yoshiro Hori, was responsible for the Bolshevik faction, while Station B was much more extensive in terms of the army, government, and other parties.

Li Sancai assigned work to Chubov alone. Li Sancai first gave Chubov a letter brought to him by his Chinese wife, and then congratulated Chubov on his promotion to the rank of captain for meritorious service. Then began to assign work to Chubov. Li Sancai demanded that Chubov leave the Petersburg Committee and join the Central Bureau, and that he should openly express his opposition to compromise with the Provisional Government on an appropriate occasion, and advocate changing the nature of the war to a civil war, rather than actively participating in the European war. There is no need to care about the attitude of Yakov and others, they will be eliminated by history.

"You can get hit and even expelled from the party. But it doesn't matter, it's necessary. Li Sancai admonished. And in the Central Bureau, Li Sancai specifically asked Chubov to pay attention to the Georgian who had returned from Siberia, that is, Mr. Joseph. Li Sancai gave Chubov some top-secret information, and asked him to memorize it in the box of the Spanish restaurant and destroy it in person.

"General, it's hard for me to get in direct contact with those bigwigs......" for the task assigned by the director himself. Chubov was embarrassed.

"Yes, organizationally understands this perfectly." Li Sancai stared at Chubof, "I will give you the opportunity to create a zào, but more importantly, you have to create a zào opportunity yourself." You have to remember that this Mr. Joseph does not like people with brains and culture, and your resume proves that you are a vulgar person, who has not studied for a few days, who is quiet and lustful...... These shortcomings are not a big problem in his opinion. You have to show your strengths, and it is loyalty. Unconditional loyalty. Strive to show this merit to the people you are prepared to serve. ”

"I see. Please trust the organization in my loyalty. Chubov had almost forgotten his original name. But he is well aware of the methods of the General Directorate of National Security. After returning to Russia, he knew that his alcoholism, prostitution, and gambling were all under the surveillance of the organization. But now it seems. The organization doesn't care about the discipline he committed.

Loyal? Of course. Loyalty is paramount to members of the Secret Service organization. Chubov personally executed traitors while he was in training. That was an important lesson for them. The instructor emphasized that the organization can forgive you for a single mistake you have made, except for betrayal. The Order can forgive the most vicious enemies. But traitors will never be spared. For those who betray the Order, even if he escapes to the edge of the sky, the Cause will capture him and bring him to justice.

"Peter, the organization will take good care of your family, and in due course, you will be withdrawn and returned to your true homeland to live and work in peace." Of course, Li Sancai will not forget to comfort this foreign agent. But in his bones, Li Sancai didn't trust them. A person who can betray even his own homeland will not be absolutely loyal. But what can be done? The General Administration of National Security is no longer the intelligence department in the hands of Commander Long, and its business has gone to the world. It would have been difficult for a yellow-skinned, dark-haired Asian to carry out covert work in Petersburg, even for members of ethnic minorities recruited from Xinjiang, but Chubov was completely different, he could have broken into the Bolsheviks without suspicion because he was a native Russian, even though he was born and raised in the Far East.

"Please rest assured, General, I will remember the oath."

"Good. Organizations trust you. Li Sancai took out a note, "This is your backup contact station, if something goes wrong with Hori Yoshiro's side, you can activate this contact station, it is only for you, others don't know about its storage." Li Sancai watched as Chubov took out a match and burned the note to ashes, "Peter, the situation in Russia will enter a period of turmoil. You have to believe that in Petersburg you are by no means alone, and there will be countless comrades by your side. ”

Chubov did not understand why the higher authorities did not favor the Petersburg Committee and the Central Bureau, and even less why the higher authorities attached importance to the Bolsheviks. He was ordered to join the faction, and in his opinion, the Bolsheviks did not have the slightest advantage, not to say that they were compared with the Provisional Committee of the Duma, but also with the Mensheviks. But an order is an order, and the training he received has changed his personality, and in his eyes, the General Security Bureau is omnipotent, and all he has to do is follow the instructions of his superiors. He has become a Chinese citizen, his Chinese wife and three children live happily in China, and he longs to stay in China forever after the end of his mission, and more than ten years of experience have made him fall in love with that country.

At the outbreak of the February Revolution, Ulyanov was living in Zurich as a political exile. He, like everyone else, did not expect a revolution in Petersburg at all. But the revolution did happen, and it succeeded in the midst of everyone's jaw-dropping, the Romanov dynasty, which had ruled Russia for three hundred years, collapsed, the Duma took power in the state, and the Provisional Government was formed in a state of clamour. Ulyanov followed the situation closely, and wrote to a friend in Norway on March 3 of the Russian calendar, "The workers fought for a week, but Milyukov + Kerensky took power!" Perfectly in line with the old European model...... But this is nothing, this stage is neither the last one, nor is it just the revolution in Russia...... It would be a great misfortune for our people to unite with the likes of Zihze! ”

While his comrades in the country were still arguing about the formulation of the political position and how to develop a strategy for the Provisional Government, Ulyanov had already set the principles for the future.

He was desperate to find a way back home. He asked the comrades who had returned home earlier to convey to the comrades in Petersburg that "our strategy is to completely distrust the Provisional Government!" No support for the new government! Especially doubt Kerensky! What we have to do is to arm the workers and never come close to other parties. He wrote an article to Pravda in the form of a letter from afar, expressing his views on the current situation and the party's strategy.

But the vast majority of his comrades in China, who had just finished their exiles, did not accept his views. Only one of his letters appeared in Pravda, and the words that vehemently criticized the Provisional Government and the Mensheviks were deleted.

With Germany's permission, Ulyanov took a train from Switzerland, passed through Germany, passed through Sweden and Finland, and returned to Petersburg in early April. He said to Kamenev, who had come to greet him, "What is it in Pravda? I watched a few issues and scolded you guys fiercely! "The next day, at a joint meeting of representatives of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks attending the All-Russian Conference of Soviets, Ulyanov's report on the question of war and revolution. The core idea is to solve the problem of political power, that is, to put the proletariat in the hands of the state power. Ulyanov's return to China completely reversed the policy previously set by the Bolsheviks, and began to plot to overthrow the Provisional Government by force and establish a Bolshevik-dominated government.

Ulyanov's statement at the April 4 meeting caused an uproar. The vast majority of people were shocked. Needless to say, the famous figures of the Bolshevik faction, Bukharin, Joseph, said that Ulyanov's strategy was a hole, that there was nothing to support his views, and that it was completely unrealistic. Even Molotov, who refused to cooperate with the Provisional Government in a tough position in the Central Bureau, expressed doubts about Ulyanov's speech. Next, it was time for Ulyanov to put on a show, and he began to frequently convene meetings, do ideological work among party comrades, or take the form of individual conversations to convince his comrades-in-arms to support his point of view. Within the Bolsheviks, Ulyanov's position was recognized, at least in theory, and he was recognized as an absolute authority. With Ulyanov's painstaking and meticulous work, the number of people who agreed with him increased.

Why is Ulyanov in a hurry to seize power? This is a very interesting question. It must be admitted that as far as a large group of political parties in Russia are concerned, the level of understanding of political power has not surpassed that of Ulyanov. In another time and space, a famous marshal once said that political power is the power of repression. The marshal's language system is peculiar, and he often utters some jaw-dropping things, such as that under our system, whoever tells the truth will fall. But he got to the heart of the regime in one word.

It was probably the February Revolution that gave Ulyanov inspiration and confidence that the Provisional Government was no more powerful than the Tsar in any case, but what does the February Revolution say about the overthrow of the Tsar with 100 lives? It shows that the situation is facing a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. As long as you have confidence and the means, it is not difficult to gain power. (To be continued......)