The proposal to replace the Constituent Assembly with Soviets seemed to Lenin quite bold and absurd. As a means of struggle, the Bolsheviks had already more than once condemned Kerensky for deliberately delaying the convening of the Constituent Assembly. And the masses also had great hopes for the Constituent Assembly. But you kid now say give up and give up, what are you doing when you are fighting politics? Is it child's play?

"That's a ridiculous suggestion!" Lenin bluntly commented: "To make such an immature proposal at such a time is to be irresponsible for the future of the party!" ”

Li Xiaofeng rolled his eyes and said in his heart: I am responsible for the future of the revolution before I put forward this proposal, okay! The Constituent Assembly is simply a pit, and your old man is now shouting at him for nothing more than to confront Kerensky and the Soviets. But when the election results come out, you should cry, that's a slap in the face.

The Bolsheviks, who were indeed the most active in the face and always talked about holding the conference on time, lost in the election to the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who had always been not so enthusiastic about the conference and were always thinking about how to find an excuse to postpone it. How cruel is this fact!

In 1905, they were fooled by the small favor given by Stolypin and abandoned their fellow workers. In 1917, they voted for the right-leaning Socialist-Revolutionaries, ready to rejoice in the division of the land among the local tyrants, and did not care at all about the workers' brothers, who were struggling with the eight-hour workday, and the soldiers, who were exhausted by the war.

The small-scale peasant mentality dictates that they are too easily satisfied, and as long as they get the land they desire, they are indifferent to the rest.

Of course, it is one thing for the peasant brothers to have a low consciousness, and if you want to use their strength, you can do what they like. The Socialist-Revolutionaries, for example, did a good job of this, and for decades they paid considerable attention to the rural question, believing that the key to solving the Russian problem lay in the solution of the peasants' demand for land. So from the day the February Revolution broke out, their most important slogan was to nationalize the land. Then distribute it equally.

This is a very appetizing for the peasant brothers. So it is normal for them to have a good impression of the Social Revolutionary. Why do you say the Bolsheviks did not preach this slogan? For a reason, the Bolsheviks relied most on the strength of the workers, and in 1905 they were again shaken by the peasant brothers, so they were now wary of the peasant brothers.

A considerable number of party leaders believed that the Russian peasants had patalist tendencies, and that if their demand for land was satisfied, it was likely that the scene of 1905 would be repeated. Satisfied, they happily broke away from the revolution at once, and did not care whether the workers lived or died.

It should be said that this assertion was partly correct, at least as reflected in the votes of the Constituent Assembly, and the peasants did not hesitate to choose the more conservative Social Revolutionaries because they did not sell the accounts of the working class party too much.

So after the outbreak of the February Revolution. The Bolsheviks did not put forward a particularly specific slogan on the question of the peasants' demand for land, neither did they say that there was no division of the land, nor did they say that there was a division of the land, in short, it was vague and somewhat ambiguous.

It was not until the events of July, with the development of the revolutionary situation, that the Bolsheviks gradually established guidelines for the peasant question. That is to copy the program of the Socialist-Revolutionary. To meet the wishes of the farmers as much as possible.

But, after all, it's still a little late. The Socialist-Revolutionaries took the lead, and the peasant brothers were even more fond of them, of course, this is not to say that the peasants did not have a favorable opinion of the Bolsheviks, but that there was a first-come, first-served-first-served, first-come, first-served-first-come, first-served-first-come, first-served-first-come, first-serv So they are more socially revolutionary.

These were the main reasons for the tragedy of the Bolsheviks in the Constituent Assembly, which fully illustrated that the political struggle was quick and slow. Even if you have done a good job, who made you the second child, the political struggle is only the champion.

But is this result really fair? Not necessarily, there are many peasants, and victory is a matter of course, but a country is not only about peasants, but should be the overall situation to ensure the interests of all parties, and whether the legitimate rights and interests of workers need to be guaranteed? Do exhausted soldiers need pity?

The Socialist-Revolutionaries, who won the elections with the help of a broad base of peasant brothers, whose main policy was to merely address the land needs of the peasants, was essentially a party with a patalist tendency, so they were not opposed to the continuation of the war. And continuing the war inevitably harms the rights and interests of workers and soldiers. You say, the workers-soldiers will promise to bring them to power?

To put it mildly, the Socialist-Revolutionaries were both successful and peasants, and they captured the essence of Russia – a backward agrarian country with a considerable majority of the population. As long as you capture the hearts of the peasant brothers, you will be able to achieve victory.

At the same time, however, it must be noted that although Russia's agricultural population is numerically superior, its contribution to Russia's economy and international status is not as great as imagined. It is industry that supports Russia's survival, and without an industrial base, its international status is probably not much stronger than that of another great power in the east.

Therefore, the importance of workers and industry to Russia was far greater than that of agriculture and peasants. To put it mildly, without the support of industry and industrial workers, Russia in World War I would have collapsed long ago.

Thus, in the comparison of real strength, the Russian workers, although few in number, far outnumbered the peasants. Without workers, there would be no guns and warships, and there would be no way to arm the army. On the workers' side, the Socialist-Revolutionaries could not catch up with the Bolsheviks, or even the Mensheviks. So even if he had an electoral advantage, if the workers did not admit it, they would be able to get the Socialist-Revolutionaries out of the way in a matter of minutes, not to mention that most of the soldiers in Russia were still facing the Bolsheviks, and it would be easier to get him out.

To put it bluntly, the only advantage of the Social Revolutionaries was that they took the lead in the peasant question, and although this advantage allowed him to win the election, it did not guarantee his smooth administration. Without the support of the workers and soldiers, he would be a disabled person in every word.

And what is even more tragic is that this first-mover advantage is pitifully small, and when the Bolsheviks use force to overthrow the Constituent Assembly to the ground and oust them in disgrace, because the Bolshevik policy on the land question is no different from theirs, the peasants who had supported them were not interested in complaining about them because they were satisfied.

To borrow the words of Xing Ye, the Social Revolutionary Party once had a great opportunity, but he did not cherish it. Stubbornly clinging to the idea of carrying the war to the end, one by one, went to the black. And then it was all over the bag.

Of course, all this is an afterthought, and what Li Xiaofeng wants to avoid is the pit of the Constituent Assembly, because it is too difficult to compete with the social revolution for the hearts of the peasant brothers, even if the Bolsheviks copy the principles of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in their entirety, it will not help, and the foundation of the people is too good.

So the only thing that could be done was not to mention the Constituent Assembly at all, and to replace it with Soviets. A friend may have asked. There were no peasants in the Soviets? If there were peasants, wouldn't the Bolsheviks have no advantage?

It would be completely wrong to think so, because although the Soviets also directly elected their deputies, they had a peculiar method of election. The peasants elected the Soviets of Peasant Deputies, and the workers and soldiers elected the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Because the number of deputies in each Soviet was certain, the numerical superiority of the peasants was not at all reflected.

So. Even if the Socialist-Revolutionaries were to have an advantage in the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies would be able to compete with them, not to mention that the Bolsheviks did not have any influence on the side of the peasants. The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries were not in the same league as Kerensky, and after Kornilov's rebellion, they had formed a quasi-alliance with the Bolsheviks.

In this situation, the Soviet Socialist-Revolutionaries, or the centrists and rightists of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, had no advantage and could not pose a threat to the Bolsheviks.

"You think we're going to have a direct election. Probably lost to the Social Revolutionaries? Lenin tapped his index finger lightly on the table. It can be seen that the tutor's mood is very solemn.

"Not impossible!" Li Xiaofeng breathed a sigh of relief in his heart, as long as the tutor could listen to him. There is still a turning point in that matter, "but we will definitely lose!" ”

Lenin looked him in the eye, and immediately Li Xiaofeng felt a great pressure, but this pressure was nothing to him.

He took a deep breath and said: "In terms of China's population distribution, China is still an agricultural country with a less developed industry, more than half of the laborers are farmers, and the strength of the working class is still relatively weak...... And the basis of our party's survival is the working class, and its influence among the peasants is far less than that of the Socialist-Revolutionary...... If direct elections were held, it is certain that the vast majority of the peasants would vote for them, and that we would not be their opponents, even if we had the constant support of the workers and soldiers...... So, I think that the convening of the Constituent Assembly will be extremely detrimental to us! It might even become a joke......"

Lenin was lost in thought, and it was indeed a bit of a surprise for him to suddenly take such a turn of events at such a critical moment when the revolution had entered such a critical moment.

"Is your assertion supported by arguments?"

Li Xiaofeng was overjoyed and hurriedly replied: "I have personally conducted random polls, and among the peasants, more than six out of ten people support the Social Revolutionary Party, and although they also welcome our party, they ......

But there is no need to say anything, Lenin could naturally guess that it was nothing more than less influential than the Social Revolutionaries. He asked, "What if we step up propaganda?" ”

"I'm afraid the effect is limited!" Li Xiaofeng spread his hands, "Unless we can come up with better conditions than the Social Revolutionary, but ......"

But that's not possible. Lenin also understood this truth, the nationalization of land and the equal distribution of land were already excellent conditions, and in any case, there were no better conditions for his old man, and even his old man did not agree so much with this plan, and he would not have agreed to this plan if it were not for the needs of the big political environment.

What, you ask?

The reason is very simple: the nationalization of land and the equal distribution of land among peasants may seem to solve social problems, but it is still a small-scale peasant economy. The small-scale peasant economy operates on a small scale, the production conditions are simple, and it can exist and reproduce under relatively poor natural conditions, and the family is the unit of production and life, and it is easy to achieve a balance between production and consumption through diligence and thrift.

This is one side of the small peasant economy, but on the other hand, it has not developed much, but due to the small scale of operation and the lack of accumulation and reserve capacity, in the long run, it is not conducive to the expansion of social production, and the potential is quite limited.

To put it bluntly, the small-scale peasant economy can only ensure that the peasants will not starve to death, and it is simply impossible to go to the next level. Lenin did not want such an outcome. What he wants is a national game of chess. Build Russia into a model of socialism.

Therefore, he will not allow this backward mode of production to continue to exist, and he will not object to the nationalization of land, but after the nationalization, he hopes to replace individual work alone in the form of collective management.

Of course, this is not realistic at all. At least the farmers won't buy it. Therefore, the mentor can only retreat to the second best thing and make the farmers happy first. Do you think that even the equal distribution is a last resort, and the mentor may come up with better conditions to please the peasants?

After Li Xiaofeng's reminder, Lenin found that if he followed the current script, it was very likely that the Bolsheviks would become an out-and-out laughing stock on the question of the Constituent Assembly. But the Constituent Assembly was hastily replaced by the Soviets. Can comrades do this acceptably?

Lenin had no idea what to do with this, especially now that the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets was still under the control of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, and at this time shouting that all power belonged to the Soviets would not make them happy in vain, and make people feel that the bullshit democratic conference was legitimate?

"I think we should convene the Second National Congress of Soviets as soon as possible to reshuffle the power of the Soviets!" Li Xiaofeng put forward his own suggestions.

Lenin snorted: "How can it be so easy. Now the Central Executive Committee is still in the hands of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks. They would be resolutely opposed to this proposal...... It's not like you haven't seen that they have all come up with such strange things as the democratic conference to make a fool of things! ”

The Democratic Conference is indeed a strange one. On the opening day of the conference, Tseletiri and Zikhdze threw out a new coalition government with the participation of the Mensheviks, the Social Revolutionaries, the Cadets and others.

No sooner had this bizarre proposal been put forward than there was an uproar within the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and just a few days earlier the Petrograd Soviet had passed a condemnation expressing its distrust of the existing regime and the Cadets.

It's only been a few days, and you two have forgotten all about it, and you're going to have to play with the Cadets covered in. You're not disgusting, but don't disgust our big guys.

There was a great quarrel within the democratic conference over the "question of pro-union and anti-union", and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries simply withdrew from the meeting, believing that their party had completely betrayed the revolution.

As for the Mensheviks, after a fierce quarrel, the proposal was rejected by 75 votes against the coalition and 65 votes in favor of the coalition. At that time, the faces of Tseletiri and Qi Heze were quite exciting.

Although the proposal was put on hold, the likes of Tseletiri did not care at all, and immediately threw out the so-called extraordinary parliamentary proposal, demanding the election of 150 probationary members from among the parties participating in the democratic assembly.

Lenin sarcastically replied: "If we treat the Democratic Conference as a parliament, we have made a great mistake, and we have become incorrigible parliamentary fans." Therefore, even if the Democratic Assembly declares itself a parliament, declares itself a revolutionary parliament with the highest power, it will not solve any problems in the slightest, and the problems can only be solved outside the Democratic Assembly, only in the workers' districts of Petrograd and Moscow! ”

In order to counter the counter-tide of the Democratic Conference and the Preparatory Congress, Lenin wrote two very important letters to all the members of the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks - "The Bolsheviks Must Seize Power" and "Marxism and the Uprising", demanding that the opportunity be seized immediately to seize power through an armed uprising.

On September 15, the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks met to discuss these two letters from Lenin, at which Kamenev cursed Lenin almost hysterically: "Comrade Lenin's head is completely confused! Not sober anymore! He has been completely detached from reality...... Every word in his letter is a dream of a mentally ill person, and we should resolutely oppose every practical proposal he makes in his letter, which will completely ruin our party! ”

At the end of the day, he roared in a manic tone, "We should burn these crazy words at once!" It is simply a shame for the party to let them stay in this world! ”

Kamenev's frenzied attack on Lenin caused chaos in the room, and a few people agreed with him, such as Rykov, Ryazanov, and Teodorovich. They believe that the "Congress" cannot be resisted, and that withdrawing from the "Congress" is tantamount to an uprising.

More centrists, such as Trotsky, did not agree or oppose joining the so-called "Congress", but said not to join for the time being, believing that the question should be left to the National Congress of Soviets.

Resolutely opposed and resisted the naturally hardcore Leninists, Sverdlov pointed out that even in the short term to participate in this illegal "preparatory congress" would be a grave mistake, and that if the Bolsheviks agreed to participate in this bullshit congress, they would be recognizing his legitimacy and would lead the masses astray. The only thing that can be done now, and the only correct solution, is to resolutely resist the Reserve Congress and plan an armed uprising with all its might, and there is no other way out!

On the same day, after a fierce war of words, Lenin's opinion was accepted in principle by the Central Committee, but the congress did not draw any conclusions as to when the armed insurrection should be launched...... (To be continued.) )