readx;?“ You should pick it up in Shanghai. www.biquge.info"Zhao Tao arranged her tie for her husband, took two steps back, and looked at her well-dressed husband.

Long Qian returned from France, the cruise ship docked in Shanghai, and Zhao Tao persuaded her husband to go to Shanghai to greet her. But Fang Sheng was far from gone. Long Qian did not return directly to Beijing, but carried out his inspection in the southeast, which in his words called investigation and research.

"He never cared about this......" Fang Shengyuan looked at his watch, it was still early. In order to curry favor with Long Qian, Jingzhao Yin and Deng Qinghua organized a grand welcoming ceremony and invited foreign reporters to attend, so Fang Shengyuan had to show up.

Although he has stayed abroad, Fang Shengyuan does not like suits, and always feels that Chinese clothes are more comfortable, but in recent years, due to frequent foreign affairs, suits have gradually become popular in the capital's high-level officials, and he is not exempt from vulgarity.

Seeing that her husband sat back on the sofa and picked up the newspaper, Zhao Tao said, "You should have arrived early." Don't grind. ”

"Don't rush ......"

"You're just too woody. How many times have I told you to behave more deferencing in front of him, you just don't care. Now they all say that he is more optimistic about the ...... surnamed Hong"

"I've told you many times, don't listen nonsense. You just don't listen! Fang Shengyuan was a little angry and slapped the "Minli Daily" on the coffee table.

"What have I said? The ears are on the head, and the mouth is someone else's, do you have to plug the ears when you go to work? Zhao Tao didn't eat Fang Shengyuan's set, "Look at the arrogance of the council recently?" Look at the style of the surname Hong? What is the constitution for? What does it mean that the Senate wants to curry favor with the House of Representatives? You don't want to think about it either? ”

Zhao Tao is the director of the General Administration of Press and Publication, which is a place where all kinds of news gather, and in a sense, Zhao Tao's news is far more informed than Fang Shengyuan.

"Alright, alright. Parliament is facing the midterm elections and is naturally more active. So what? I have to go. He looked at his watch again. Picking up his brown leather briefcase that had been used for several years, he went out the door.

The seagull car stopped in the foyer, and the secretary Zhou Dunquan saw the prime minister come out, gently opened the door of the back seat, and after holding the roof of the car to serve the prime minister and getting into the car, he went around the front of the car and got into the passenger seat, "Go to the airport." ”

The Seagull is the latest sedan from Shandong Automobile Group. Because of its spaciousness and comfort, it immediately became the first choice of the leaders. However, the "Special Car Law" introduced in 1917 restricted the replacement of high-ranking officials' cars, because only the vice premier, vice speaker and above officials enjoyed the treatment of allocating cars, and the ministers were canceled the special car treatment, and could only enjoy the "guaranteed car" bus, there were very few seagull cars on the streets of Beijing, only Zhou Xuexi and other wealthy officials with huge family assets bought seagulls out of their own pockets, and most ministerial-level officials still used Taishan brand.

Fang Shengyuan, who was sitting in the back seat of the leather, closed his eyes. He was pretending to sleep, thinking about what his wife had just said.

I've been Prime Minister for almost 10 years. The biggest feeling is that to be an official, you must be deaf and deaf. Competence comes from the information you have, and the more information you have, the more capable you will be. But there is always more to see than to hear, and the information obtained from formal channels is full of lies and deception, which is difficult for any government to put an end to. The Government Council has several news channels, including the General Office, the Economic Research Office, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Information Administration, the Bureau of Statistics, and the Ministry of Supervision. However, Fang Shengyuan still attaches more importance to "wild" news, and it is said that the "Important Information Express" of the State Security Administration attaches the most importance to Long Qian. But the General Administration of National Security never reported to him, and he couldn't see it. Since Zhao Tao became the director of the second department, Fang Shengyuan's news volume has suddenly increased, and it has been proved that Zhao Tao does have strong political acumen, and the news she brought back is very valuable. For example, Long Qian's inspection itinerary and speeches in Shanghai, Hangzhou, and Nanjing in recent days are extremely valuable. All this information was collected to the General Administration of Press and Publication through formal channels. It is precisely within the scope of Zhao Tao's work.

Before leaving the country, Long Qian harshly criticized the General Information Administration, which was caused by the issue of constitutional amendments that were disturbing one after another. Long Qian believes that the General Information Administration's position on this issue is seriously wrong, and how serious is the constitutional amendment? Before the Central Committee has a clear attitude, the Information Agency should seriously refute the rumors in order to set the record straight. However, Zhang Ziyu (transferred from the Propaganda Bureau of the Ministry of National Defense to the General Administration of Press and Publication) knew the purpose of the constitutional amendment, but how could he dare to openly defend the dignity of the constitution? As the head of the Youth Army Federation. Although he took off his military uniform, he was still a hardcore follower of Long Qian, and he didn't want Long Qian to step down.

In response to Lung Qian's criticism, the Information Service publicly clarified that there was no timetable for amending the constitution at its regular press conference held every six months, but did not say that it would never amend the constitution.

Fang Shengyuan deduced from various signs that Long Qian was indeed not seeking re-election. He wanted to talk to Long Qian about it several times, but he couldn't find the opportunity. It is generally accepted that there should be no barrier between the prime minister and the president, at least the door of the presidential palace should be open to the prime minister. But that's not the case. He rarely went to the presidential palace, even though the prime minister's office was only three miles away. And Long Qian has never set foot in the Prime Minister's Palace, and he has not been here once since the new city was built. The way the two communicate is mainly official documents, supplemented by phone calls, and there are very few face-to-face interviews, which is completely different from what the world imagines.

Proceeding from his original intentions, he believed that Long Qian's re-election would be beneficial to the overall situation. It is conducive to the stability of the domestic situation and the further improvement of the international situation. This thriving country was created by Long Qian, and he fully acknowledges it. In terms of control of the overall situation, he is willing to bow down. Since the Mengshan Army entered Beijing in 1910, Long Qian made very few major mistakes in domestic and foreign affairs, and there may be points of discussion in internal affairs, and he was amazed to grasp the opportunities in diplomacy. In particular, he made full use of the opportunity of the European war and reaped benefits for the country beyond his imagination. The results of the Paris Peace Conference had already reached China, and some people, mainly the military and university students who were increasingly willing to participate in politics, expressed regret that the Tohoku issue had not been completely resolved, and that the Kanto issue should be completely resolved. But Fang Shengyuan believes that it is quite possible, and that being able to reclaim the concessions and clarify China's sovereignty over Tibet and Hong Kong is already a great diplomatic victory.

He completely agreed with Long Qian's decision to focus his work on economic construction as he had told him before leaving. In the past few years, there have been constant wars, and despite the assistance of the United States and other countries, the huge expeditionary force has become a huge financial burden. The next step was to bring back the expeditionary force and vigorously reduce the army, so as to reduce military expenditures and use the saved money for the economy. Now money is spent everywhere, more and more projects are launched, and the development of the processing industry has led to an increasingly high demand for raw materials and transportation. The increasing investment in education and scientific research has led to the government's running in deficit for many years. Duan Qirui resigned as Minister of Finance for this reason and replaced him with Xiong Xiling, who was born in the People's Party, and also thought that the construction plate was too big. For example, Xiong Xiling was extremely opposed to the launch of the Qinghai-Tibet Highway and the extension of the Longhai Railway, believing that there was no hope of recovering these investments. There is also the mining of iron ore in western Sichuan. The reserves and condition are good, but the cost of extraction is too great to be worth it. Xiong Xiling calculated that the cost of smelting a ton of steel in Hubei or Liaoning is one-third of that of Sichuan, and it is very unwise to go to the desolate and barren west to build industrial infrastructure. Therefore, he questioned the second five-year plan led by Long Qian, believing that there was a serious deviation in the layout, and it was too balanced between the east and the west.

The House of Ministers cannot veto the Presidential Palace. As long as it is something led by Long Qian, it will be difficult for the Government Council to vote against it. The same goes for parliament. This situation has caused Fang Shengyuan to worry.

He has worked hard to form a political structure, and Long Qian has carefully maintained and repaired this structure of power and governance that has never been seen before in Chinese history. Take care to maintain its normal operation. While grassroots councils have exposed more and more problems, such as bribery, clan and powerful forces, the central councils (House of Representatives and Senate) and provincial councils have become more formalized, and members of parliament have become the new upstarts, a powerful force to check the government. In particular, after the implementation of the Budget Law, government expenditures have been subject to parliamentary scrutiny and scrutiny, which has led to complaints from heads of government at all levels. But that's what we wanted to see when we designed this power structure. It will take a long time to raise the legal awareness of the Chinese people. Especially in the countryside, the simple and almost wooden peasants looked to the courts as a daunting path. He would rather rely on the ruling of the clan than hand over the pleadings to the county court. Therefore, the role of the Constitutional Court is not so obvious, although it has the power to interpret the Constitution, not a single law issued by the parliament has been vetoed by the Constitutional Court. In contrast, the role of parliament is much more powerful. Fang Shengyuan felt more and more cocooned. At the beginning, he fully agreed with Long Qian's statement that a stable power structure lies in constraints, studying history, and all prosperous times. They were all times when imperial power and relative power were relatively balanced. However, since the Ming Dynasty, the imperial power has completely overwhelmed the prime minister, and Zhu Hongwu simply abolished the prime minister after the Hu Weiyong case, resulting in a serious imbalance in the power structure. Fang Shengyuan remembered that when he was in Jinan, Long Qian once took out a wooden triangle. Saying that the triangular structure is the most stable structure in geometric shapes, Fang Shengyuan understands it. However, as prime minister, he has always been troubled by the constraints of parliament.

The current structure is also triangular, but instead of the government, parliament and the Constitutional Court, the presidential palace, the council and the parliament are dancing. Due to the great prestige of Long Qian, the "founding emperor", the presidential palace actually overrides the government council and the parliament, and the major policies do not come from the parliament, let alone the government council, but from the presidential office.

Fang Shengyuan thought that this is definitely a special phenomenon in a special period. Once Long Qian resigned, the situation immediately changed dramatically. No matter who becomes the next president, it is impossible for Long Qian to have great prestige, and there will inevitably be a drastic adjustment of the power structure.

So who will be the next president? Theoretically, the decision rests with Parliament. This is also the fundamental reason for the fierce competition among various parties this year. Everyone wants more seats in both chambers in order to share more power. However, whether in the House of Deputies or the Senate, it is difficult to change the situation in which the Peasants' and Workers' Party and the CDK stand side by side. And these two parties are in the hands of Long Qian, and only Long Qian is the first to look forward. This highlights the fact that the decision of the next president is in fact in the hands of Long Qian.

Who does Long Qian want? Fang Shengyuan was a little unsure. It is said that he should be the "first-order heir", but Hong Yuecheng's voice is not low, whenever there is a conflict between the government and the parliament, there is a good chance that the government will lose. This reflects Long Qian's attitude of supporting parliament to suppress the government.

Will Long Qian choose Hong Yuecheng? Fang Shengyuan was really unsure. In addition, the power map of the republic is not the presidential palace, the government council and the parliament, there is a more powerful existence, that is, the army, and the intelligence organs hidden in the shadow of the army. The new regime laid the foundation with military merits, which can also be regarded as Chinese characteristics, and there is no military support for the change of dynasty in history? What worries Fang Shengyuan is that the Mengshan Army has conquered this world, and of course it must be governed. So a large number of army generals took off their military uniforms and walked into the government. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, a series of victories in foreign wars created the great prestige of the national defense force, and young people were all proud to join the army, and officers became the most respected group. It's not that no one sees this, but it's also in vain. Song Jiaoren publicly called for limiting the power of the army, which was strongly opposed by the army. Marshal Feng Guozhu, then Minister of National Defense, went to the Government Council and scolded Song Jiaoren bitterly, asking him when the army exceeded its authority? In what way does the military act in violation of the existing laws? Of course, Song Jiaoren couldn't say it. It is true that the army stays only in its own barracks, and the generals of the army do not interfere in government affairs. But what about the actual situation? The relationship between the robe and the officer corps formed during the war years could in fact determine the government affairs of many provinces. What is the reason for this?

Half of the provincial government is now controlled by generals born in the army, especially in the relatively economically developed provinces of Beijing, Guangdong, Jiangsu, Liaoning, Shanghai, and Hubei. As a result, the military has a huge say, and in fact interferes with the political direction of the country. Among the leaders of the army, Wang Mingyuan, Feng Guozhu, Ye Yanbing, and Fang Shijun all have huge power. Ye Yanbing's National Defense Science and Technology Commission is nominally under the jurisdiction of the Government Council, but in fact it is an independent kingdom, and the personnel and budget are said by themselves. Ye Yanbing himself also served as the first vice minister of national defense, and he had a huge influence on the army, making the army regard the department led by Ye Yanbing as part of the army. Not to mention the General Administration of Military Industry and the Navy and Air Force's own factories.

Long Qian is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces as determined by the constitution, and he is also the de facto commander-in-chief. The proud soldiers of the Wehrmacht and the intelligence department bowed down in front of Long Qian. However, can other people sitting in Long Qian's current chair command the army like an arm? Fang Shengyuan thought it was difficult. This is a more critical part of power, and if you don't take control of the military, no one will be so comfortable sitting in the presidency.

Should I talk to Long Qian? How to talk? It is a question that Fang Shengyuan has been thinking about recently.

Seeing the car drive into Nanyuan Airport, Fang Shengyuan retracted his thoughts. When the car was parked in its rightful place, he got out of the car without waiting for the secretary and walked towards the usual pre-function area. (To be continued.) )