The strike and march on February 23 in the Russian calendar were not given a special political significance, and no one thought that they would have serious consequences. Otherwise, Nicholas II would not have left Petersburg immediately after meeting with the Chief of Staff of the Chinese Expeditionary Force, heading for Mogilev, 600 kilometers away.

In 1917, riots in Petersburg increased, and it seemed that strikes and marches had become the norm. The tsar and most of the ministers did not care about the security of Petersburg.

But the events that began on the 23rd developed at a breakneck pace. The next day, February 24 in the Russian calendar, the strike grew larger, the number of people attending rallies and marches at least doubled compared to yesterday, and the wide Nevsky Street was filled with black and oppressive crowds, shouting for bread, for survival, for an end to the war, and the crowd began to get out of control, and there were clashes with the police who were maintaining order, and one policeman on duty was injured in the eye - one eye was hit by a thrown stone, and at least three people were injured, including a fifteen-year-old child - whose head was broken by a police club.

The worst incident occurred on Cigang Street, where hundreds of workers robbed a grain store, and a man from the grain store who was desperate to protect the owner's property was knocked to the ground, and the people behind him swarmed up, and the man was trampled on three ribs, vomiting blood, and dying. The police intervened in the investigation and found that the "rioters" were all workers of the Petersburg Locomotive and Rolling Stock Factory, and that the person who led the robbery of the grain store was named Chubov.

The police did not have time to deal with the incident because of the bigger riots. On the 25th, at least six grain stores and four grocery stores in Petersburg were openly looted by workers and citizens who had lost their grip, and one person died. The bloody conflict in Petersburg finally began. The city government, on the one hand, reported that the tsar had gone to Mogilev, and on the other hand sent the report to the commander of the Petersburg Military District, General Khabarov, and strongly demanded that the army intervene to maintain order.

The development of events was no longer in the mood for dealing with the grain store on Tsgangon Street, and that Chubov was forgotten by the police station.

Chubov, or Petrov, was recruited by the General Directorate of State Security in 1910. After eight months of special agent training in Harbin, he returned to Russia and got a job at a naval repair plant in Vladivostok. In 1913, Petrov, who had already received the rank of lieutenant in the General Directorate of State Security, was sent to work in Petersburg and is now a small head of the Petersburg Locomotive and Rolling Stock Plant in charge of material procurement. Because he is generous and helpful, he has some friends in the vehicle factory. Also because he joined the Bolshevik faction. He also served as a member of the district committee and was very respected by the workers.

Chubov did not take part in the February 22 parade. But immediately after returning from the Spanish restaurant that night, he called a secret meeting to brief his inner circle of friends about the day's march and asked everyone to join the demonstration tomorrow. and mobilize as many workers and their families as possible to participate in protest demonstrations. Chubov said. The tsar and his ministers did not care whether the workers lived or died! They live in palaces that are as warm as spring. We drank the best vodka, and ate the delicacies of the mountains and seas that we had never even seen. And what about us? There was no bread, no coal and dry firewood for heating. Nothing. We want to ask the nobles for justice.

Chubov's inner circle of friends was mostly Bolsheviks and sympathetic workers with Bolsheviks, who had historically been a left-wing party, and Chubov's proposal was immediately and enthusiastically responded.

The next day, at least 400 workers of the rolling stock factory went out into the streets under his leadership, and while passing through Tsgangstrasse, Chubov had the wit to direct the workers to rob a grain store, which was owned by a Jew, mean and greedy man, and since he wanted to make a big noise, it was better to start with the Jews.

More than 200 sacks of flour looted from the grain store were brought back and distributed to the most needy workers under Chubov's auspices, a move that further increased his prestige.

Chubov did not know that he had been put on the "blacklist" of the police department. That evening, he went to the Spanish restaurant again and met his immediate boss, Beshniak, the manager of the Spanish restaurant, who was actually Chinese, but registered with the police station by a Japanese name, Yoshiro Hori. Beshniak warned Chubov that it had been learned from reliable sources that the police and army had received orders from the tsar to prepare to quell the unrest by force. They may arrest people, you have to be careful, it's better to change accommodation. Beshniak gave Chubov a sum of money and told him to pay special attention to safety.

Chubov did not go back to the dormitory of the vehicle factory and went to a friend's house in the city. That's called Luo Jing. Yakov's men were his Bolshevik comrades and, above all, his superiors. But the two do have a personal friendship. Yakov was a widower who had been selflessly helped by Chubov when his wife died of illness two years earlier, and even now, Chubov often helps him financially. Yakov was also Chubov's introducer to the party. According to Yakov, Chubov was a good man with a firm political stance and a strong sympathy for the workers.

Chubov told Yakov about his concerns, "It's a big deal, why won't they do it again when they shot at the workers twelve years ago?" The workers' situation is miserable enough, they are about to be driven crazy. The Tsar and his spies will not let us go, so let's stay out of the limelight. ”

Yakov had a much higher position in the party than Chubov, he was a member of the Bolshevik Petersburg Committee, while Chubov was no more than a member of a district committee. Yakov's cultural program is much higher than that of Chubov, Yakov went to university, although he did not get a diploma, but after all, he entered the university, while Chubov's cultural program is very low, and he can't even write a resume himself. Yakov was even more aware of the repression of the 1905 revolution, because he was a witness to the 1905 revolution. And what about Chubov? According to his resume, he was still working in the Far East at that time. Yakov never imagined that this Siberian, who came from a poor background and had firm convictions, would actually be a spy bribed and trained by the Chinese intelligence services. Not to mention that the Bolsheviks were still a radical party under the focus of the Security Service's secret agents, that is, the Minister of Internal Affairs Protopopov, who was in charge of internal security affairs, never thought that the Chinese would extend their intelligence tentacles to St. Petersburg!

Warning to Chubov. Yakov disagreed, "The current situation is very different from 12 years ago. People from all walks of life were gathered under the same banner, and although their political aims were different, it was common to oppose the tsarist autocracy, to stop the war, to stop the bloodshed. We need to increase the scale of this movement and mobilize more workers to join the movement. You immediately go back to your post and continue to mobilize the workers to join the movement, and now strike with the hot iron, and not back down! This is the task given to you by the party! ”

"I accept the assignment you have given me. Now that you've made your decision. I execute unconditionally. Chubov stood up. Ready to go.

"Comrade Chubov, the party is very satisfied with your performance in this movement, and hopes that you will continue to work hard." Yakov was satisfied with the attitude of the worker-turned-party member and personally sent Chubov out into the street. Watch him disappear into the darkness.

Night. By order of the tsar. In a joint operation of the St. Petersburg Police and Security Service, about 100 leaders of political parties and blacklisted activists were arrested in the city of St. Petersburg, and a large number of Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Bolsheviks were arrested. Yakov, one of the heads of Bolshevik Petersburg, was captured by the secret police in his home.

Chubov is also on the list of arrests. But he escaped by leaving Yakov's house in time and not returning to his home, but staying with a reliable co-worker.

On February 26 of the Russian calendar, the protests and demonstrations did not end with last night's arrests, and more people took to the streets. The demonstrators grew angry and demanded the immediate release of the arrested leaders. In the center of the city, there was bloodshed on Nevsky Prospect, where the military police opened fire on the crowd of demonstrators, killing nine demonstrators on the spot and wounding dozens more. As if panic was contagious, there were bloody clashes in other neighborhoods.

The contradictions have intensified completely. However, the procession was dispersed, and a part of the thugs who attacked the military police with stones, wooden sticks and other weapons, 102 according to the Petersburg police station, were arrested during a joint operation of the military and police. By evening, order in Petersburg seemed to have returned to normal.

According to the commander of the Petersburg Military District, General Khabarov, the clashes were caused by demonstrators, and the militants who mingled with the demonstrators opened fire on the military police with pistols, killing two soldiers on the spot. He named the dead, but the bitter situation buried Khabarov's justification in history, and everyone, including the Tsar's supporters, believed that the 1905 scene was repeated.

It's also this day. The army showed signs of instability. The officers and men of the 4th company of the Volynsky Guards Regiment refused to shoot at the demonstrators, and instead they clashed with a group of Cossack cavalry who resolutely carried out the orders of the commander of the military district, and there were casualties on both sides. When the company ran out of bullets, they returned to the station and erected barricades with only 30 rifles and less than 100 rounds of ammunition. However, the company was quickly surrounded and disarmed by other troops, and 19 leaders were arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul fortress.

At a gathering of the left-wing parties at Kerensky's house that evening, the assessment of the situation was very pessimistic. Most believe that the movement has been extinguished by the authorities. The Bolshevik deputies, including those of Petersburg, saw it this way: the unarmed marchers could not fight back against the government which had taken resolute measures.

When Kerensky was informed of the visit of the Chinese ambassador, the heads of the left-wing parties were scattered, and they did not see any hope for the situation. Of course, the vast majority of them don't think about the dead and wounded who marched and demonstrated, and the revolution is like this, just like the building of a building, there is always sand and stone to be laid on the ground floor, and no one pays attention to the foundation to the steps, and people only pay attention to whether the main body of the building is magnificent or not.

Kerensky met with Lu Zhengxiang. Lu Zhengxiang said straight to the point, we have heard that some terrible things are happening. We sympathize with you from almost the same experience. If you feel that the situation is critical, you can take refuge in the embassy, and I have received instructions from home to help you.

Kerensky expressed his gratitude. He took note of the "almost identical experience" that Mr. Ambassador had said, and he understood what Mr. Ambassador had said. The Republic of China was established after the overthrow of the Manchu imperial power, and no one would deny the vigor and vigor that erupted with this southern neighbor after the establishment of the republic. Kerensky even said on a small scale that it is time for us to learn from China, because all their achievements were made after the revolution, and their experience is worth learning.

However, the Chinese revolution was based on armed insurrection. In Beijing, there has never been an incident that is taking place in Petersburg.

Just when Lu Zhengxiang went to Kerensky's house, a secret meeting was being held in the conference room on the second floor of the liaison office of the Chinese Expeditionary Force on Nevsky Street, and in addition to the three giants of military intelligence -- Fan Deping, Zhang Xiaoding, and Li Sancai, there were also two persons in charge of the Petersburg station, one of whom was Beshniak, the manager of the Spanish restaurant. Petersburg Station is operated by the General Administration of National Security, and although Zhang Xiaoding was born in the national security system, his current identity is the deputy director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, which is probably the reason why Li San came to Petersburg.

After listening to the reports of the two leaders of the St. Petersburg station, Van der Ping, who presided over the meeting, instructed to continue the workers' march and "must not retreat!" Now is the time to decide the fate," Van der Ping shouted, "and the parties in Russia who are openly clamoring for the overthrow of the current government will not be reconciled, but someone needs to rush out and be cannon fodder." You mobilize all the power you run, and you have to be willing to spend money! ”

Fan Deping's decision was unanimously opposed by Li Sancai and Zhang Xiaoding. It was not an easy task to establish the Petersburg station, and Li Sancai, who had managed the International Office for a long time, did not want to lose the strength he had cultivated for a long time in a blind move that did not succeed. Zhang Xiaoding's reason was the same, the Russian government showed a tough side, and even General Khabarov sent someone to inform the liaison office of the expeditionary force and warned the Chinese friends not to go out as much as possible. Embassies in Russia have strengthened their security forces to prevent accidents. This shows that the army has received orders, and since the army has been dispatched, what can be accomplished with a group of workers and their families?

"Execute the order!" Van der Ping said coldly, "The president has given me full powers, and I am fully responsible for the affairs of Petersburg. How, that's your business. You can study, you can pay attention to the way, but you don't stop. ”

The intelligence services had no choice but to carry out the orders of the lieutenant general. But before the two directors of the St. Petersburg station could carry out the plan they had agreed on for half the night, on the 27th the situation changed to the surprise of everyone, and the soldiers of the Volynsky regiment marched in the streets to rescue their imprisoned comrades, and they stood with the workers - there were still workers who were not afraid of the power to continue to protest against the government.

This incident was like a fuse, and at noon on the 27th, more soldiers, officers and men of several reserve battalions, stood with the teaching team of the Volynsky regiment, and of course with the workers. In the evening, up to 70,000 soldiers participated in the parade! Almost half of the Petersburg garrison! Some of the troops who had been ordered to disperse the demonstrators to restore order dispersed or joined the demonstrators. General Khabarov had lost control of his troops, and only two Cossack regiments transferred from the South-Western Front and cadets of the military school remained disciplined, who had come to Petersburg to receive awards for their exploits in Poland. But the tsar did not deal with the matter in time, leaving the two regiments there alone.

Something is wrong with Petersburg.

The situation continues to develop. On the 28th, more and more troops were "turning", and almost all the garrisons "defected". Grand Duke Mikhail (a cousin of the tsar), who had arrived in a hurry, entered the Winter Palace, fearing a repeat of the events of January 1905, and instructed General Khabarov, who was responsible for the defense of the Winter Palace, to leave the Winter Palace with troops obeying his orders and go to the Admiralty building. An enraged crowd immediately surrounded the Admiralty building. General Khabarov, having heard that the insurrectionary forces had captured the Peter and Paul Fortress and that not a single front-line unit had been transferred back to Petersburg, ordered his soldiers to leave the Admiralty building with their bare hands. In this way, Petersburg no longer had the military strength to defend the current regime.

On 1 March, the situation continued to develop. The soldiers, together with the workers, seized the Arsenal, the Admiralty and other vital departments, smashed the Security Service and the Ministry of the Interior, the prisons were occupied, the prisoners were released, and a large number of high-ranking officials of the tsarist regime were arrested, including the Minister of the Interior Protopopov. The streets of St. Petersburg were filled with jubilant crowds, shouting slogans such as "Down with the traitors", "Down with the oppressors", and "Long live freedom", and the steps in front of the Tavlida Palace became a place for free speeches.

No one doubted that the autocracy had already been overthrown, and even the tsar's cousin Vladimirovich joined the side of the revolution with the Guards units under his command. (To be continued......)