Matvey. Kulikov had been in Taihang Mountain for nearly a month, and during this month, he had a deep understanding of the difficulties of the Chinese revolution and the anti-Japanese struggle.

Many years later, he recalled: "There was a shortage of ammunition and medicine in the anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines, and there was no support from the Kuomintang except for a small amount of ammunition before 1939. Not only did they not have support, but they also assisted the Japanese to blockade the anti-Japanese base areas...... Lack of food, lack of medicine, and even access to salt were troublesome, and most of the officers and soldiers wore patched and tattered uniforms, and most of them wore straw sandals or even barefoot...... The situation here was even more difficult than during the revolutionary war in our country, and most of the soldiers fought without enough food and clothing. The comrades on the Chinese side told me that the greatest suffering for them was not in life, but in the lack of bullets, and that most of the fighters, when the battle broke out, had only three or five bullets available, and had to put the devils down at a very close distance before shooting, and basically after firing one or two shots, it was a brutal white-knuckle battle. ”

Kulikov couldn't believe that in the forties of the 20th century, there were still troops who used stabbing as a particularly important combat skill. In this regard, he both criticized and praised: "This mode of fighting can never be called good, it can only be said to be a choice out of desperation, but we must applaud the fighting spirit of the Chinese comrades, especially the fearless revolutionary spirit that is not afraid of hardship or sacrifice." ”

In the base areas behind enemy lines, Kulikov's main task was to assess the combat effectiveness of the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, which Moscow was quite interested in knowing. Whether this unit is fighting or not. It will not be the same waste wood as scraping the People's Party army. Moscow really doesn't want to waste valuable aid again.

on this. Kulikov told the truth: "Compared with the army of the Scraping People's Party, the army of the Turkish Communist Party, although poorly equipped, was very combative, and they could not wait to go into battle and fight the enemy. I can see the vigor in them! ”

After returning to Yan'an from the Taihang Mountains, Kulikov's impression of China changed greatly: "In Chongqing, what can be smelled is the stinking bureaucratic smell of the People's Party, when the front-line soldiers are underfed and clothed, and their extremely pitiful wages are greatly discounted and coveted. The bureaucrats there seem to be living in a completely different world -- one in which the lights are shining and the country is making a fortune. In this wartime capital, there is not much to see about determination and will, as decadent as the fallen red light district of Paris...... After stripping away the glitz and glitz of the upper classes, you can still see the struggle of the lower classes in Chongqing - starvation is everywhere, and the streets are full of beggars, in the eyes of these people, you see nothing, no hope, no spirit, like a piece of wood or a stone...... I didn't like the environment, even though the living conditions were much better for a foreigner like me, but the insensitivity made me angry. Opposite. In Yan'an, where materials are extremely scarce, and in the anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines, I can see hope. I can feel the spiritual pleasure ......"

Kulikov praised the PKK in his report, which gave the Politburo great confidence, because before that, apart from Li Xiaofeng, other leaders, including Trotsky, were not very optimistic about the role of the PKK. And now, they can rest assured.

Kulikov's report greatly alleviated the difficulties in Yan'an and the base areas behind enemy lines, and the ammunition and medicine airlifted from Outer Mongolia solved the urgent need. Later, under the instruction of the Soviet Union, Outer Mongolia organized a horse team to cross Suiyuan Province and imported a large amount of food and heavy weapons to Yan'an.

This batch of heavy weapons included the second batch of 48 pitot guns and 24 Miss Qiwu. Miss 75 is familiar to everyone, it is a Type 1897 75mm rapid-fire field gun (in fact, it was also produced by the Pitto factory) that was widely equipped with the Allied armies in World War I. However, the batch of Miss 75 supported by the Soviet Union to the Turkish Communist Party was not original, and its origin was quite complicated.

After the end of World War I, Poland was divided into two, and Eastern Poland moved towards the Soviet Union in all directions, and its army was basically Soviet-style. West Poland, on the other hand, moved closer to Britain and France in an all-round way, and introduced a large number of French equipment. In the 1930s, the 33-year-old lady was still serving in the West Polish Army, but in order to meet the needs of modern warfare, West Poland made a certain transformation of Miss Seven-Five, replacing it with a new gun carriage suitable for motorized marching, which was the WZ.1897 75mm field gun of the Polish Army.

And in 1939, when the German army blitzkrieg attacked Western Poland, a large number of Western Polish troops poured into Eastern Poland, bringing a lot of WZ.1897, and this batch of West Polish version of Miss 75 was also used by East Poland, which urgently expanded its army. And as we all know, in Barbarossa, the cousin of East Poland was also miserable, so some of the Seventy-Five Ladies were brought to the Soviet Union by the East Polish rout.

The Red Army naturally had no interest in Miss Seventy-Five, and it was almost useless after receiving it, so they simply gave it to the Turkish Communist Party, anyway, for the Turkish Communist Party, which lacked artillery, it would not dislike Miss Seventy-Five.

To tell the truth, Miss 75 is actually not very suitable for the Turkish Communist Party, which is mainly engaged in guerrilla warfare, Miss 75 cannot be disassembled and transported like ordinary mountain artillery, and the weight of the whole gun is a bit large, so it is difficult to fight and run. As for the 75-mm grenade, the power is also a little small.

However, the Turkish Communist Party did not dislike it, for them, it was a good thing to have artillery, and they could not collect many artillery pieces after all the hard work on the battlefield, and they disliked it when they were stupid to give it away for nothing.

Soon this batch of 75 ladies was equipped with the artillery regiment of the headquarters of the Eighth Route Army as a teaching aid for training artillery. As for those pitot guns, they were basically handed over to the field troops, and judging from the feedback from the field troops, the evaluation of the pitot guns was very high.

The first is lightweight, and the second is that it is very accurate, and a clever gunner can even shoot a grenade directly into the perforation of the Japanese puppet army pillbox. The third advantage is that the source of the shells is guaranteed, and the artillery has no worries about using them. The only fly in the ointment is that the power of the 37 gun is too small.

In any case, on the whole, the Turkish Communist Party was very satisfied with the artillery provided by the Soviet Union, but it was not so satisfied with the rifles and machine guns provided by the Soviet Union. For example, Mosina did 30 cavalry guns. The soldiers of the Eighth Route Army generally reported that it was not as easy to use as the 38th Big Cover. The butt is too narrow, and the recoil is too great. Not suitable for Chinese soldiers with poor physique.

As for the Depp light machine gun, because it was an early model aided by the Soviet Union, the barrel could not be quickly replaced, and the reliability of the cartridge disc also had zài problems, which were far less useful than the ZB-26. Of course, for the Turkish Communist Party, which lacks guns and ammunition, it is better to have guns than not to have guns, but I just feel a little regretful.

As of early September. Within two months, the Soviets provided Turkey with about 100,000 Mosinagan guns, about 3,000 Maxims and 1,000 Depp light machine guns. The dilemma of the soldiers of the Eighth Route Army lacking weapons and ammunition was initially alleviated.

According to the agreement reached between the Chinese and Soviet parties, at the end of September, the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army should carry out a large-scale sabotage operation to paralyze the important communication routes in North China and pull some of the devils in the northeast back to Guannai.

Naturally, it was the well-known General Peng who was responsible for formulating the battle plan, and the Soviets sent Kulikov as an adviser.

For this battle, the Soviet side resigned great hopes, for the reason very simple, on the Western Front. They were under great pressure and failed with the defeat of the Salefa River operation. A large number of the living forces of the Red Army were wiped out, and in order to plug these openings, it was necessary to draw troops from other fronts. Among them, there are nearly one million soldiers in the Far Eastern Military Region, and he is naturally the first choice of the Politburo and the Central Military Commission.

But what distressed the Politburo and the Military Commission was that the devils were looking for trouble, and after learning the news that the Red Army was struggling on the Western Front, these mongrels, who were always thinking about how to take advantage, immediately increased their troops to the northeast and increased the pressure on the Far Eastern Military District.

The Politburo and the Central Military Commission hope that the Turkish Communist Party will put more pressure on the devils and force them to turn their attention back to Guannai, so as to reduce the pressure on the Far Eastern Military Region so that troops can be transferred to fill the holes on the western front.

"Our army rarely conducts large-scale frontal operations, and the troops have just completed the refitting work, so it is probably more difficult to launch an offensive operation of such a scale in a hurry!"

General Peng naturally has something to say, objectively speaking, his opinion is not unreasonable, full of calculations, the Eighth Route Army is also a matter of more than a month, in just one month, it is indeed very difficult to make the soldiers familiar with unfamiliar Soviet-made weapons, I am afraid that it will not be able to give full play to combat effectiveness.

Kulikov understood this, but also emphasized: "We also know that such a request is a little difficult for a strongman, but on the Western Front, the situation of the Soviet Red Army is very unfavorable, and it is urgent to draw troops from the Far East to resist the aggression of the German Nazis." Although it is a little unkind, we still hope that the Chinese comrades can share a little more pressure. ”

Having said that, Mao Zi's attitude was also very good, and the Central Committee also decided to cooperate with the Soviet Red Army to fight, General Peng naturally couldn't say anything, and soon he put forward a battle plan.

This plan is similar to the last battle of the 100 regiments, which is still mainly to attack the communication routes, and Kulikov has a different opinion on this: "It is important to attack the enemy's communication lines, but we still hope that this operation can annihilate more enemy forces, and only by destroying as many enemies as possible can we most directly relieve the pressure on Comrade Blyukher's side." ”

This requirement is relatively high, the sabotage war is relatively simple compared with the war of annihilation, it can be said that it is still a guerrilla tactic, and the war of annihilation must be a tough one, if it is really to fight like this, the losses of the Eighth Route Army may also be relatively large.

In this regard, Kulikov also tried his best to do his work: "I am very aware of your practical difficulties, but I believe that the war of annihilation and the war of sabotage can be fought together, and fighting a war of annihilation does not mean that the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army will put on a posture to confront the Japanese army's wings, brigades, and divisions. It is completely possible to add up a small amount and limit the scale of the annihilation battle to enemy squadrons and squads. When encountering a large force of the enemy, it can turn to guerrilla warfare or movement warfare. ”

If it was only a squadron and a squad-sized enemy soldier, General Peng didn't have much opinion, he was originally a person who liked to fight tough battles, and he couldn't ask for it if he could break his wrists head-on with devils.

After some discussion and research, the final battle plan was somewhat similar to encirclement and reinforcement, and in the next Second Hundred Regiment War, attacking the lines of communication and the enemy's important strongholds was more of a decoy and a disguise, in order to lure out the enemy's reinforcements. If the enemy's reinforcements are below the wing, then fight resolutely, and if they are above the wing, then you might as well continue to walk the dog.

On September 18, on this special day, we went north to Datong and Beijing. South to Handan Linfen. North China with a radius of hundreds of kilometers. The Old Eighth Road and the Earth Eighth Road came out of the base area and launched an unusually rapid offensive against the Japanese stronghold.

This time it may be slightly smaller than the overall scale of the 100-regiment battle that broke out in August last year, but the quality is much higher, and the Eighth Route Army, which had the Pito cannon, no longer had to make Tufa attack the pillboxes, and on the first night of the battle, more than 30 large and small pillboxes were destroyed, and the Japanese army and the puppet army were busy for a time, and it seemed that there were enemies everywhere.

This chaotic situation went on for a week. In just one week, the Eighth Route Army launched more than 300 operations, destroying more than 100 large and small pillboxes, destroying more than 50 bridges, and killing more than 2,000 puppet soldiers and more than 300 Japanese soldiers.

"Yaga! Why was the communist army not wiped out and weakened, but stronger and stronger? Last year, it took them more than two months to disrupt the transportation lines in North China, and this time it only took a week, are you all rice buckets? ”

Okamura Ninji was very angry, and as the commander of the North China Front of the Japanese invasion of China, he began to take office. He took aim at the Turkish Communist Party and organized a large-scale sweep. Heavy losses were inflicted on the Eighth Route Army.

Before the outbreak of the Second Hundred Regiments War, Okamura felt that he had done a good job, which greatly dealt a blow to and restricted the development of the Turkish Communist Party. Who would have thought that just when he was a little relieved, the Turkish Communist Party gave him a hard slap.

"According to reports from the front, the communist army's armament has been greatly improved, with a large number of light artillery, and the outposts and pillboxes built by our army to the original standards appear too fragile......"

Okamura Ninji was not interested in listening to this nonsense at all, all he wanted was the result, he sneered and said: "In the past, you said that you couldn't find the communist army and couldn't catch their main force. And this time, they came out on their own initiative, and that's a good thing! I demand that the North China Front immediately rearm itself and be ready to engage in a decisive battle with the Communist Army at any time! ”

Okamura Ninji really thinks that this is a godsend for the complete elimination of the Turkish Communist Party, and he is indeed tired of constantly playing hide and seek with the Turkish Communist Party, and in his opinion, the Turkish Communist Party is by no means his opponent in a head-to-head confrontation.

Objectively speaking, there is no problem with Okamura Ninji's analysis, although the Turkish Communist Party has replaced some Soviet-made weapons and some light artillery, but to tell the truth, there is still a considerable gap between the soldiers and the Japanese army. If you really want to fight head-on, it is estimated that there will be more than luck.

However, fortunately, the tone of the battle of the 100 regiments was set before this time, and it was still mainly based on guerrilla warfare and movement warfare, and it would be eaten when it encountered a small group of enemies, and it was still a priority to preserve the strength of the Japanese army when it collided with the main force of the Japanese army.

Therefore, Okamura Ningji is afraid that he will be disappointed, and the troops he concentrated still failed to capture the main force of the Eighth Route Army, so he could only passively accompany him to play and run back, which made the North China Front Army complain. Hide-and-seek continued until the end of September, and the constant warfare of movement and harassment exhausted the Japanese and puppet armies. And just when they were most tired, the Eighth Route Army killed the horse pistol and captured some of the targets that could not be captured in the First Hundred Regiments Battle in one fell swoop, which dealt a heavy blow to the arrogance of the Japanese army.

When the news reached Moscow, the Politburo was quite satisfied with the PKK's expression, and they realized that they had underestimated the PKR's little brother before, and immediately, the proposal to strengthen aid to China, especially to the PKK, was unhindered.

Even Trotsky wrote excitedly in his diary: "I have always thought that there are great difficulties in carrying out the armed revolutionary struggle in the colonies and semi-colonies, and that the chances of success are probably very small." Throughout the thirties, the ebb and flow of the Chinese revolution seemed to confirm my view. Today, however, I have to revise this view, because the Communist Party of China still has combat effectiveness, and under extremely difficult conditions, it has not only survived, but has even continued to grow and develop. I can fully expect that they will play a greater role after receiving sufficient assistance, and is there even a possibility that the Chinese revolution will ignite the torch of the revolution in the East and bring about the great development of the revolution in the entire Asian region? ”

Excited, Trotsky wanted to leave for the East at once, and he wanted to see for himself the current state of the Chinese revolution and the Turkish Communist Party, because he already realized that the Turkish Communist Party would be a very important part of the realization of the ideals of the world revolution.

Unfortunately, it's not that simple. As Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, his visit to China was by no means a trivial matter. First of all, what will the Scratch the People's Party think. Will it be seen as a signal that the Soviet Union has completely abandoned the Kuomintang and embraced the Turkish Communist Party? As soon as they believe that the Soviet Union will fully support the Turkish Communist Party, the second cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party will probably break down in name, and the possibility of the Kuomintang defecting to Japan cannot be ruled out.

In any case, even if the Scraping People's Party does not give its strength, it will still be able to contain a part of the Japanese army, and it will also help to share the pressure on Blyucher, and in this case, it is not appropriate to excessively stimulate the Scraping Kuomintang.

Trotsky could only regrettably give up this idea for the time being, but he still wrote a long letter to the Turkish Communist Party in the name of the general secretary of the Communist Party of Turkey, in which he greatly affirmed the contribution made by the Communist Party of Turkey to the Chinese revolution and the world revolution, and then said that the Communist Party of Turkey would strengthen its assistance to the Communist Party of Turkey, and finally hoped that the Communist Party of Turkey would make persistent efforts to play a greater and more prominent role in the revolutionary struggle that followed.

Of course, this letter does not lie in what Lao Tuo said, but in the last two points he put forward: first, he hopes that the Turkish Communist Party can strengthen exchanges with the Communist Party of China and the Communist International, and it is best to send capable personnel to the Soviet Union to visit and communicate, and it is best to establish a liaison and communication organization; Second, it expressed its willingness to train military personnel for the Turkish Communist Party and hoped that the Turkish Communist Party would send a number of middle- and high-ranking officers and party members to the Soviet Union for further study and exchanges...... (To be continued......)

PS: Bow and thank you li4565645654, the 1st Guards Tank Brigade, Schistosoma parasite, xuyiqing1985 and Comrade Juventus!