Tavlicher Palace, the seat of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, was destined to be nightless on the night of June 9 (Russian calendar). Hundreds of Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries met all night to discuss strategies for dealing with the current perilous situation.

“…… I think it's quite stupid to ban the masses from marching in the streets...... This creates a perception among the masses that we are restricting their freedom and depriving them of the right to express their wishes...... What are the final consequences? That is to push them into the arms of Lenin and Trotsky! I believe that instead of banning demonstrations, we should take the initiative to launch demonstrations and draw the masses to our side! So I strongly implore the Central Executive Committee to adopt a resolution to organize a parade in the near future, preferably tomorrow! ”

He had heard a lot of arguments from the center-left committee members who had given impassioned speeches on the stage, and since the Central Executive Committee passed a resolution prohibiting demonstrations, this kind of argument has been constantly popping up, wave after wave. Seriously, it's pretty speechless, and if you don't agree with that resolution in the first place, why raise your hand and let it pass? Now it's good, the resolution has been issued, and you suddenly feel regretful, and you have to change your mind as soon as you twist your face, what's going on!

Of course, this was not the most speechless thing for Tselette, but what made him even more heartwarming was that this was not the first time that a similar situation had happened, and the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, whether Mensheviks or the Socialist-Revolutionaries, had such a group of forward-looking people. Their endocrine system is completely disordered, their minds are a mess, and they never have a firm will, whenever there is a wind and grass. They began to be suspicious, and took three steps back, cooperating with this gang of goods is simply torture and destruction!

Tsereteri looked at Plekhanov, who was sitting on his right, and the old man's brows were twisted into hemp ropes, which showed how entangled he was, and he could not count on this old party mentor at all. It is undeniable that the old man was the founder of Russian Marxism and made indelible contributions to the development and spread of Marxism in Russia. But the old man is always unable to hold the rudder at critical moments. For example, at the first national congress of the Social Democratic Labour Party in 1898, the old man was left and right, initially supporting Lenin, but at most he leaned towards Martov. As a result, the congress did not formulate the party's constitution and program, which in a sense laid the groundwork for the party's future split.

Just by looking at the old man's tangled face, he knew that he would not make up any mind today, and even beware of the old man's sudden kindness, after all, Lenin was his favorite disciple. It's normal to be soft-hearted as a teacher.

Can't count on Plekhanov, Tseretiri set his eyes on the old man's side Zihze, it should be said that as a Menshevik center-right, Lao Qi is really his iron brother. It's all Georgian folks, not to mention (incidentally, Georgia is really talented in this place.) Tseretir, Zihze, Stalin, Ordzhonikidze, just to name a few). The political quality is extremely tenacious, once the determination is made, it will stick to the end, and it has the nickname of "eagle" in the party, and now the only thing that can be counted on is this eagle.

While Tseretiri was thinking about how to join forces with the Eagles to resist the compromisers, Martov, who was sitting on his left, suddenly whispered in his ear: "Irakli. Georgievich, what do you think about the organization of demonstrations initiated by our party? ”

Tseretiri really didn't want to deal with Martov, a center-leftist, and thought that Lao Ma and Tang En, another center-left in the party, were big poisonous weeds, and it was okay to have some unrealistic illusions, and the most important thing was that the political quality was as soft as noodles, and the mood of the party was vacant, and these two goods bore extremely important responsibilities.

Although Lao Lie's ideological genius is not worth mentioning, the opinion he put forward -- only those who recognize the party program, support the party materially, and personally participate in one of the party's organizations can be party members, and this opinion is extremely correct!

And look at the conditions put forward by Martov - anyone who recognizes the party programme and actively works for the realization of the party's tasks under the supervision and leadership of the party organs can become members of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.

At first glance, the difference between the two sides may not seem significant, but a little reflection shows that the two views are very different. Lenin believed that only by "joining one of the party organizations" can the party become a centralized, unified, and well-organized genuine party of the working class.

Martov, on the other hand, argued that as a party member, it was enough to "always personally assist the party." According to his viewpoint, we can recruit all those who are willing to join the party into the party, and we do not require them to join a party organization, nor do we need to use party discipline to restrain them.

In this way, every person has the right to join the party in his own name, and this will directly cause the party to lose its clear organizational boundaries and turn it into a group with complex composition, loose organization, and amorphous shapes.

Now that the bitter fruit is not coming out, the people in the party are uncertain, the three religions and the nine streams are mixed, there is no unified understanding in the ideology, and there is no rope at all, and with such a group of people to make a revolution, Celteli really feels that the egg hurts, and of course he will not have a good face for Martov, the initiator of all this.

"I don't think there is any need to waste time discussing this issue, and since the Central Executive Committee has already made a decision on it, there is no reason for us to disobey...... It seems to me that what we need to discuss today is not whether to hold demonstrations or not, but how we should punish the Bolsheviks and Trotsky if tomorrow they openly rebelled against this resolution! ”

Martov touched a nail, and was stunned by Celeteli, and said for a long time: "Punishment? Isn't that too much? The masses have the right to express their will, and the Soviets have no right to punish anyone! ”

"If the Soviets do not have this power, then the present government has this power!" ”

His voice had just fallen. Donn, who was close to Martov, expressed unequivocal opposition: "I don't think it's a good idea for the government to punish the demonstrators. This will only complicate matters and invisibly make the people think that the Soviets, the government and them are opposed, and I do not think it is appropriate to take drastic measures in the present situation! ”

Tseretieri was speechless. If you don't take drastic measures, do you let those clowns jump up and down, what you do is simply inaction and laissez-faire, and now, your way of doing it is the real bad thing!

Tseretiri was about to continue arguing with Martov and Don when his confidential secretary suddenly came over and whispered in his ear: "Something is wrong, Prime Minister Lvov has just informed you." The Bolsheviks clashed with the police at the Kosheshinskaya Palace, and there was a direct exchange of fire between the two sides, resulting in heavy casualties......"

Hearing the news, Celietieri immediately felt refreshed. Haluha, Lenin, you still can't stop doing it, see how I cut you to death!

Tseretieri shook the bell abruptly, interrupting the two red-faced committee members. "Comrades, I have just received information that the Bolsheviks are in a fierce clash with the police at the Ksheshinskaya Palace, at this sensitive moment. We must be wary of this phenomenon, which clearly proves that the Bolsheviks did not take the decisions of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets into account. They are plotting against the government, and I am here to call for a stop to these ambitious villains. They must not be allowed to steal the fruits of the revolution and undermine the overall situation of the revolution. It's time to take drastic measures against them! ”

There was a huge bang in the audience, and the members of the committee whispered to each other, most of them expressed shock and anger at the news, and of course there were a small number of sober factions, such as Martov, who stood up and asked loudly: "Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, I would like to know whether the source of your news is true and reliable, and I am against making a decision when the truth is not known...... What evidence is there that this was a conflict provoked by the Bolsheviks on their own initiative? ”

"It's obvious," said Tseretiri, "that the demonstrations they had prepared had been cancelled, so it was only natural for them to be disgruntled, and then to use the topic as a substitute. I don't think the police in Petrograd will take the initiative to provoke the Bolsheviks! ”

"It's just nonsense!"

As soon as Tserteli's words fell, a loud voice came from the entrance of the venue, and Dzerzhinsky was seen limping towards the center of the venue, slamming Tserteli's speech as he walked: "What do you mean that the police in Petrograd will not take the initiative to provoke? Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, citizen, I would like to ask you, how did you come to this unreliable conclusion? Or since becoming Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, have you fully learned the previous government's trick of turning black and white into horses? ”

Tsertie looked at Dzerzhinsky, who was approaching step by step, and he was very surprised by the sudden appearance of the Man in the Iron Mask, especially when someone limped and bruised all over his body, what was going on?

Finally, Dzerzhinsky walked to the rostrum, he looked directly at Tseretiri coldly for a while, and suddenly mocked: "Since the Minister of Posts and Telecommunications does not want to answer my question, then I will answer your question first!" You just said that the police and gendarmes in Petrograd would not take the initiative to provoke the Bolsheviks, then I ask you, if they did not take the initiative to provoke, where did my scars come from! ”

Dzerzhinsky tore it open, revealing a scar on his body, he glanced around the audience coldly, and asked Tseretieri: "Just this evening, when you delegates were holding a small meeting in secret with our Bolsheviks, the police in Petrograd launched a surprise attack on us, killing and wounding more than 40 of our comrades, capturing Stalin and Petrovsky, and surrounding the Khsessinskaya Palace. This is who gave them the power! ”

With a bang, the audience fried the pot again, different from the shock last time, this time the committee members in the audience were really angry. The members of the Central Executive who were able to sit in this room, including Celeteli, were persecuted during the Tsarist era. They may not agree with the Bolshevik politics, but they are united in their opposition to political persecution.

They suddenly heard that the police in Petrograd had used violence against the Bolsheviks without any reason, especially the scars on Dzerzhinsky's body, which gave them a very bad feeling. If you can clean up the Bolsheviks today, will you attack us tomorrow?

There is a basis for such speculation, and it is important to know that many members of the Daoist Committee gathered for a small meeting tonight, and the main topic of discussion was about the Bolsheviks. None of them fully agreed internally, but what does it mean that the Provisional Government has taken the lead in taking action? It shows that the government doesn't take us seriously at all! If you really have the Soviets in your eyes, and you really respect the opinions of the Soviets, you will be more or less silent before you do it!

Fortunately, it has happened, and it has caused extremely serious consequences, and this is when you remember us. Can we understand it that way? Are you using us at all?

Tsertieli looked at the committee members who suddenly turned around in the audience anxiously, and wanted to scold his mother, you can't just listen to Dzerzhinsky's side of the story! Maybe this is his bitter ploy!

"Felix. Edmundovich! ”

At the critical moment, it was still the Eagle Qi Heze and Celie Tieli who had a heart-to-heart connection, and they saw that the wind direction changed greatly. He quickly jumped out and questioned Dzerzhinsky: "You said that you were persecuted by the Petrograd police, what evidence do you have!" ”

"Evidence?" Dzerzhinsky sneered, pointed to the scars on his body, and said excitedly: "The scars on my body and the dozens of Bolsheviks who died tragically on the streets of Petrograd are the best evidence!" ”

Qi Heze said stiffly: "This is just your side of the story!" ”

"What a one-sided statement!" Dzerzhinsky scolded. "Just now, when the Minister of Posts and Telecommunications announced the news and accused us Bolsheviks, it was not one-sided, and he showed even the slightest evidence?"

Zihzeze was speechless for a moment, but Dzerzhinsky didn't want to let him go. Continue to ask: "It seems that you have no evidence either!" So why do you take it for granted that we Bolsheviks are accusing us Bolsheviks of violating the resolutions of the Soviets? I can say here with a clear conscience that today if it were not for our respect for the leadership of the Soviets. We will definitely not suffer such heavy losses, when our comrades work hard to do the work of convincing the masses. When persuading them to cancel tomorrow's parade, it was the Petrograd police, whom you maintained, these damned tsarist doglegs who attacked us, I want to ask you, this is their respect for the Soviets? ”

Dzerzhinsky spat fiercely, pointed at the noses of Qikhze and Tseretieli and scolded: "You cheap bones, you can't distinguish between friend and foe at all, and you don't care about those who are kind enough to defend your authority, but you hold you in your arms!" What a shit! ”

It should be said that Dzerzhinsky scolded him with pleasure, but what he said was true and false, and the attacks on the Turkos and the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks were real, but not at the time of the work of convincing the masses. Of course, Dzerzhinsky can't tell if he doesn't lie, and he can't tell the executive members in the audience that our comrades were attacked on the way to the cancellation of the armed uprising.

Dzerzhinsky is honest, although he is iron-faced and selfless, but he can still distinguish the occasion, and he will tell the truth at any time, and that is not an old revolutionary, but an old fool.

However, Dzerzhinsky's mixed words worked quite well, and many Menshevik executive members, such as Martov and Donn, expressed appreciation and welcome. Aren't they here holding small meetings all night in anticipation of the mass demonstrations that could erupt tomorrow? Isn't it a good thing that the Bolsheviks, now respecting the leadership of the Soviets, have canceled the demonstrations!

If it is a good deed, it should be praised, especially because it has suffered a loss for a good deed, then it should be maintained. Martov was the first to suggest: "If Dzerzhinsky's words are true, then we, the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, should welcome the Bolshevik resolution, and the perpetrators should be held accountable for the losses they suffered in the implementation of the resolution...... I think that in this matter, what the Petrograd police did was completely inexplicable and unjustified. We must express strong opposition to their absurd behavior, and we must severely punish those responsible! ”

Martov's speech was affirmed by most of the Central Executive Committee, which was not what Tserteli wanted to see, but under Dzerzhinsky's strong emotional and verbal offensive, everything he said seemed too pale, and he had to find another way to turn the tables around. So after Martov proposed to hold him responsible, he immediately suggested: "I don't think we should jump to conclusions so early and so hastily, and none of us can guess what the truth of the facts is!" I believe that the most important thing now is to set up an investigation team to get to the bottom of the matter. After the investigation team has come to a conclusion, it is not too late for us to make a judgment! ”

Although they welcomed the Bolsheviks to cancel the demonstrations, this did not mean that they thought that the Bolsheviks were their own people, and of course they did not need to over-defend themselves if they were not their own people, and besides, they could avoid many risks by clarifying the truth of the matter and then drawing conclusions.

Dzerzhinsky, of course, knew what Tseletieli was having, and it had to be said that the greatest threat to the Bolsheviks and the future revolution in the Mensheviks was this brother, who was eloquent, quick-witted, and strong-willed and not lacking in skill, and this kind of enemy was really difficult to entangle.

However, Dzerzhinsky was not a vegetarian either, and immediately said: "I agree to set up an investigation team to investigate this matter thoroughly, but we Bolsheviks also have demands, first, to ensure the personal safety of our Bolshevik Party members, and to immediately release the comrades who were illegally arrested by the Petrograd police; Secondly, the investigative team must have the presence of the Bolshevik Central Executive Committee, and we must not be excluded from the investigation! ”……)