As paradoxical as it sounds, doesn't indulging Sverdlov mean letting him succeed? Doesn't that mean he can mess around in the future? At least in the eyes of Ruzutak and Dzerzhinsky, this is absolutely not possible. Immediately, the two of them were a little anxious.

"How can this work?"

"This is absolutely not possible!"

However, Li Xiaofeng saw that Trotsky was not in a hurry, in fact, Lao Tuo was not in a hurry, but sat firmly on the Diaoyu Tai, with a sense of déjà vu that Lao Tzu had already seen through everything.

Obviously, such a field was nothing to Trotsky, and even Sverdlov's little trick was as ridiculous as a pediatric. Li Xiaofeng was not surprised by this, he knew early on that Trotsky had similar political skills as Lenin, but Lenin kept holding him down, so that Lao Toll's ability could not be fully utilized. If Lao Tuo is given the political status and prestige of Lenin, the beating of Sverdlov is like a joke.

Of course, Trotsky was sad that he met a Lenin who was slightly stronger than him, and never came out again, and I have to say that this is really a tragedy.

But now is not the time to pity Trotsky or to help him, for Li Xiaofeng Trotsky is bound to be a thing of the past, the future of the Soviet Union belongs to him, and on this road there is now a stumbling block called Sverdlov, which he must show his wrist to kick away.

"It is not a good way for us to block Comrade Yakov's proposal by force, it will only make more comrades on his side, so we can't block it hard, we can only follow the trend." Li Xiaofeng stopped Ruzutak from interjecting and continued: "Taking advantage of the situation is not just a random Comrade Yakov, but a means and skill to minimize the negative effects of his proposal. ”

Mr. Li's remarks caught the attention of Mr. Ruzutak and Mr. Dzerzhinsky, who really wanted to hear what someone was up to. However, Trotsky was distracted again, not that Lao Tuo was not interested in what Li Xiaofeng wanted to say, but that Li Xiaofeng's demeanor at this time was like a sufficient person, and thirty years ago, Lenin was also in this demeanor, so calm and confident, as if everything was under control.

At this time, Li Xiaofeng also had the charm of Lenin, and Trotsky couldn't help but feel a little jealous, someone was too lucky compared to him, there was no opponent of the same grade at all, Sverdlov was not worthy of being called someone's opponent at all, and the difference in strength between the two sides was too far.

Looking at the young face of a certain immortal, Trotsky could not help but sigh a little. Forty-four years old, and by next year it will be just forty-five, which is the most mature and energetic age for politicians, and it is also Lenin who advocated the October Revolution, and it is conceivable that the next twenty years belong to someone. That's long enough time for someone to leave his own glory!

"Expand the government. Governance can be in the current medium. The size of the Central Committee elects a 30-member government. Governing the situation, that is, electing the government according to the scale of 10 to 1. Members of the Governance Council are acceptable. ”

Ruzutak and Dzerzhinsky were already stunned by the thirty-man scale of the government. Governance? I've got a big groove for the current politics. There are only 15 people in charge of the situation, and no more than 15 are good. And except for the seven Great Elders, the others all belong to the existence of soy sauce. Nima, more than double in one go, this water is too much! Nima, at the time of the October Revolution of that year. The Central Committee is such a scale, is it good!

Li Xiaofeng deliberately ignored their surprise and continued: "There are about thirty politicians. It's obviously bloated, forgive me for using that word, but it's really bloated. And it is unlikely that all of these thirty comrades will be concentrated in the capital to work, and the current political . The mode of handling affairs is certainly not suitable, so I think it is necessary to be in politics. A Standing Committee is set up in the Governance Bureau. The plenary session of the Governance Council is intersessional on behalf of the government. The Governing Bureau handles all the work. ”

Ruzutak and Dzerzhinsky understood and could imagine the government. It is the Standing Committee that really controls the authority of the ruling bureau, and the Standing Committee will certainly not have too many members, and it is even likely to be the current scale. It is equivalent to building a house on the roof, ostensibly expanding the government. governance, but in reality it is the same old fashion.

So is this a good solution? Ruzutak and Dzerzhinsky felt that this was probably the only solution, and that it was the best of both worlds by preserving the old system and satisfying some of the newcomers.

Even Dzerzhinsky felt that he was really too old, otherwise he would not have been able to think of such a simple solution. Because the suggestion of a certain immortal is really not new, the party's power structure has gone through several rounds of similar adjustments before. In the early days, the party was nothing. Institutions such as the Central Committee, at that time, the position of editor of Pravda was the top priority, and whoever was the editor of Pravda was the boss of the party. Later, with the expansion of the party organization, the editors of Pravda gradually became out of date. Central Committee. But at that time, in the middle. How many people are there in the Central Committee? I'm afraid it's the equivalent of the current government. The scale of governance. Later, with the outbreak of the two revolutions, as the number of party members increased. There are also more and more members of the Central Committee, and they are always being held. The plenary meeting of the Central Committee is too troublesome and unrealistic, and it is necessary to deal with affairs conveniently. Governance. Since in . The Central Committee can be expanded, since it can produce a government out of thin air. Governance situation, now add another government. What is a member of the Standing Committee?

In Ruzutak's view, when there is a government. Member of the Standing Committee of the Governance Bureau. The status of the members of the governing bureau is also the enhanced version of the middle. Central Committee members. After all, Li Xiaofeng has already said before, politics. It is impossible for all the members of the governing bureau to be concentrated in the capital. It is impossible to hold a regular meeting every two weeks as it is now, and I am afraid it will be a little longer. Otherwise, the government. What is the significance of the existence of the Standing Committee?

Sure enough, Li Xiaofeng continued: "Expanded the political . Governance is natural. The plenary sessions of the Central Committee do not need to be convened so frequently, I think that once a year, and in special cases, twice a year is sufficient. And the government. In principle, the regular meeting of the governance bureau shall be held twice a year, and three times under special circumstances shall be sufficient......"

Ruzutak snapped his fingers and calculated, so that at most four group meetings a year, the same as the previous one. The plenary session of the Central Committee was a little more dense than that, but it was perfectly acceptable. As for politics. Li Xiaofeng did not say the frequency of the meeting of the Standing Committee of the Governance Bureau, in fact, there is no need to say, it is estimated that the current standard is maintained.

Follow Li Xiaofeng's suggestion to do it. The governance situation has expanded, but the core leadership has not expanded, and the power structure has remained stable, which is still relatively healthy. It's perfectly acceptable, but it's not without problems. Although the value of the members of the governance bureau has decreased a lot compared with before, it is also a bureau committee, and no matter how you say it, it is higher than the middle. The Central Committee is a big one, and how to allocate this quota is another big problem. After all, Sverdlov expanded the political . The wishful thinking of governing the situation is to expand his political influence.

When Ruzutak was about to talk about this issue, Li Xiaofeng directly diverted the topic, in the opinion of a certain immortal, is it appropriate to talk about this on this occasion? Politics. Although the governance has always been a cake cut, according to the strength of the forces, but this belongs to what can be done and cannot be said, especially not in front of Dzerzhinsky. The man in the iron mask still attaches great importance to intra-party democracy. How the governance situation will be produced is in the election of the new party congress next year. The Central Committee has the final say, how can a few of them be able to act as their representatives?

What's more, several people present represent different forces, and who doesn't want to be in politics in the future. A little more people in the bureau? Everyone must have a battle for the seat, does it work at this time?

In Li Xiaofeng's view, since Sverdlov has brought up politics. Since the issue of power structure has been involved, it should be said that in his opinion, the power structure of the Soviet Union is somewhat inexplicable.

Let's start with the titular head of state of the USSR. Nominally, the chairman of the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union was the head of state of the USSR. But Li Xiaofeng felt awkward no matter how he could, the Soviet was actually a parliamentary legislative body, and the chairman of the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union was actually the speaker of the parliament to put it bluntly. Have you ever seen the Speaker of Parliament be the head of state? It seems a bit nondescript.

What is even more crucial is that the chairman of the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union is still in name only, and he cannot command the People's Commissars at all, and he can only be regarded as a mud bodhisattva. Of course, Li Xiaofeng did not complain bitterly for the chairman of the Soviets, but he felt that the Soviet Union's methods were rather strange and could be regarded as a legacy of the October Revolution; after all, the Bolsheviks came to power under the banner of the Soviets in the past, and naturally wanted to elevate the status of the Soviets.

But then it was, and now the situation has changed, and the position of the Soviets has not only not been exalted, but marginalized. There is no strength in the legislature at all, and the People's Commissars can not buy anything (at least now this People's Commissariat can not buy it).

And if we really want to improve the system building of the Soviet Union, we need to be able to make our own voice heard, or at least have our own insistence, in the area of legislation. If you can't be unilaterally beaten by the People's Committee, what supervisory role does that have?

It is not only necessary to strengthen the legislative role of the Soviets, but also the judiciary, which is weaker in this respect, and the judiciary is almost a decoration that can be left at the mercy of the Council of People's Commissars. When the power of the ministries and commissions under the People's Commissariat is neither supervised nor restrained at all, it is really a monopoly. That is, the Council of People's Commissars has no military power, and the USSR is a one-party government, the party is the boss, and there is a government. The situation is pressing, otherwise everyone will stop cooking, and let the chairman of the People's Committee play by himself!

In any case, by the time Trotsky retired, it was necessary to reform the Council of People's Commissars. It is necessary to clarify the terms of reference of the People's Commissariat and eliminate the various ministries and commissions that are duplicated.

Of course, how to eliminate is a big problem, after all, who doesn't like to have more ministerial-level officials, a ministerial-level unit means not only a ministerial-level cadre, but also a vote of deputy ministerial-level posts and a bunch of department-level posts. The layoff of a ministerial-level unit will lead to the "layoff" of hundreds or even thousands of cadres, and this influence will definitely not be small.

After all, the cadres have worked hard to climb to this position, not to mention going further, at least they want to keep their jobs, and now you want to smash their jobs, then don't be desperate!

It's okay to say it normally, but the problem is that now Sverdlov is trying every means to win over cadres and prepare to expand his sphere of power, and as soon as you are shouting about cutting cadres, then Sverdlov will immediately speak out against it and pull people in a big way. How will it step down when the time comes?

Even without Sverdlov, it would not be so easy to eliminate cadres, Lenin had similar ideas more than once when he was there, but why did it disappear later, the reason is that even the mentors couldn't do anything about these guys, they were all the fathers of the October Revolution, they were all the cadres who fought the world, can you not give them something to do?

That is, Lenin categorically chose to retire to make things a little easier, Comrade Lenin retired at the age of 65, will you retire at the end of the point? Are you more awesome than Comrade Lenin?

Lenin's retirement can be regarded as solving some of the most difficult problems, but this is only a symptom rather than a cure, as long as those ministries and commissions are still there, there can be no shortage of officials!

The resistance that Li Xiaofeng will face in resolving this issue is not ordinarily great, especially when he is not the chairman of the next People's Committee, and even when he has even given up his vice chairman, it is probably not easy to meddle in the reform of the People's Committee.

However, Li Xiaofeng believes that this kind of reform is very necessary, and it is imperative or even impossible to delay, and the further it is delayed, the more troublesome it will be, and the greater the resistance. Because according to the current urine nature of Sverdlov, he may still have plans to expand the ministry. If you can't block him head-on, this opening will get bigger and bigger!

How? Li Xiaofeng looked at Trotsky, and he thought that at the moment, the only person who could help him at this time was Lao To. The question is whether Lao Tuo is willing to help him.

"Redundant staff?"

When Li Xiaofeng tentatively raised this point, Trotsky fell into deep thought, for he also realized how difficult the problem was. But what he didn't expect was that a certain immortal would dare to ask him this question, because the two of them really didn't deal with each other. But it's normal to think about it, Sverdlov is even more difficult to deal with someone now, and it is really impossible for someone to go to Sverdlov to discuss, that is self-inflicted.

Apart from Sverdlov, the only one who could give Li Xiaofeng great help in this matter was Trotsky. It is normal that there can only be two situations in which reform is to be carried out, one is that the old leader will do one vote before taking office, and the other is that the new leader will burn three fires when he takes office. Now it is clear that Sverdlov has no interest in burning these three fires, and if Li Xiaofeng wants to reform, he must rely on the influence of Trotsky, the old leader.

So would Trotsky be willing to help with this? To tell the truth, at first Trotsky did not have this idea, having said before that he preferred a peaceful transition and did not toss. This had the least impact on his Trotskyists. But now that Li Xiaofeng has mentioned this issue, he can't help but think about it.

What politician does not want to leave a name in history and a political legacy. The reason why Lenin chose to retire at that time was not to set an example for future generations to learn from. Trotsky, as the second teacher after Lenin, did not want to leave an example.

In this way, when later people mention him, they have to say that he was far-sighted, that he laid the foundation for the future reforms of the Soviet Union, and who does not like this tone?

Of course, as a statesman, Trotsky had to consider the effects of all sides, and to analyze the pros and cons. On the downside, if he provokes this, he will definitely offend some old comrades and those with vested interests. Look at Lenin's decision to retire and draw a 65-year-old red line, how many old comrades have opinions. This is still Lenin, and his popularity is not as good as Lenin's, and I am afraid that he will be criticized even more, and not only he will be criticized, but even the Trotskyists with him will be implicated, and even many old comrades within the Trotskyists will not be able to figure it out, so that there may be internal chaos.

This is definitely something that Trotsky did not want to see, but there are advantages and disadvantages, and there are many disadvantages, but there are not without advantages. First of all, a certain immortal must owe a favor to others, and this favor must be repaid, no matter how in the future, a certain immortal must take care of his Trotsky, at least to avoid many malicious attacks and retaliation. Secondly, on the whole, it is also beneficial for the Soviet Union to do this, and it is definitely a good thing to get rid of some redundant personnel and start the pace of fighting bureaucracy. In the end, Trotsky felt that in . The heads and brains of the Central Committee members at this level will oppose this, but in the . The Central Committee is about to change blood, a large number of old comrades like him will retire, and their influence will be reduced. The opinions supported by the governance bureau prevailed, and they could still be suppressed.

So the Politics. Does the opinion of the governing bureau prevail? Trotsky counted the numbers, and three of the four bureaus currently sitting there were definitely in favor of it, and Dzerzhinsky was not to mention that he was willing to take part in the anti-bureaucratic banner as long as it was an anti-bureaucratic activity. Ruzutak has also been busy with system construction in the past year or two, and he has absolutely no opinion on this, as for a certain immortal, he proposed the suggestion, and he is schizophrenic and opposed?

If we count the two factions of his Trotskyists, then the political . The governance situation is one-sidedly agreed. What could Sverdlov say then?

It seems to be able to do! Trotsky did the math and came to such a conclusion, but he could not make up his mind whether to do it or not, he could only tell Li Xiaofeng that he needed a certain amount of time to think about it, and that he needed to figure out the great relationship between them.

Is it clear? Being able to figure it out doesn't mean that you have the determination to do it, and there is a world of difference between theory and practice. Trotsky's small accounts were calculated and calculated, but he just couldn't make up his mind. So these days he has insomnia.

"You haven't slept all night long, what are you wondering about?" Lao Tuo's wife couldn't stand it anymore, "It's not when the October Revolution and the Great Patriotic War just broke out, the situation is tense, and it's understandable that you can't sleep." Now that you're about to win, you're going to retire too, what's so nervous? ”

Trotsky replied angrily: "I have a big question to think about carefully, and I have to think it clearly before I can make a decision." ”

"What's the use of you thinking about it for a few days? I think you'd better talk to someone and listen to their opinions! ”

Don't say it, marrying a good wife at a critical moment can play a role in hitting the nail on the head, after being reminded by his wife, Trotsky also came to his senses, and it is indeed not a way for me to think alone, and it is not bad to find a clear-headed person to help me get the idea.

But immediately Trotsky froze again, who to look for? Ulitsky? Raddic? To be honest, these two have a little worse political vision and are not a good choice. At least Trotsky thought that there were not many people who could give him advice today.

There are not many of them, there are very few of them, because Trotsky has only one candidate in mind, and that is Lenin. At this moment, the only one who could give him advice was Lenin, but this choice troubled Trotsky, who was always unwilling to admit that he was a head lower than Lenin, and now he could only ask Lenin for help, did not it confirm that he was worse than Lenin.

Whether out of pride or out of indescribable entanglements, Trotsky had a hard time making up his mind to go to Lenin. It's just that what he didn't expect was that instead of going to Lenin, Lenin came to him. And Lenin saw him straight to the point: "I heard that politics. Is the bureau ready to cut off some ministries? ”

"Uh......" Trotsky suddenly felt frustrated, and Lenin's reaction was so fast that it caught him a little off guard, so fast that it made him a little ashamed, because he knew what Lenin wanted to say next.

"I support this question," Lenin continued, "it is necessary to eliminate some redundant ministries, and the current bureaucratic problem is really shocking!" ”

Trotsky was a little embarrassed and could only say: "There is still no small resistance in it." ”

Lenin calmly asked: "Is there more resistance than in 1917?" ”

Trotsky was again speechless, while Lenin continued: "I think this can be done, no, it must be done, and old comrades like us can only burn some afterglow, do a little work that we should have done but for some reason did not do for the time being!" I've given in. The Central Committee has written a letter to mention this matter! ”

Trotsky knew he had no choice but to support or oppose, but could he really oppose it? I'm afraid that he can't oppose it at all, which means that he can only choose to support it.

So after a short silence, he made up his mind: "I will join forces with you to fire the first shot of reform!" ”

Many years later, when he recalled the decision of that day, Trotsky was relieved, relieved, and even a little proud, because history has shown that he had made the right choice. (To be continued.) )