The Polish question had previously been a key obstacle to the agreement between the Entente and the Bolsheviks. The Entente group believed that the only legitimate government of Poland was Pilsudski leading the Polish Republic, while the Bolsheviks called Pilsudski's government a reactionary dictatorship and recognized only the Polish Soviet Republic and Bolesław. Legitimacy in Beirut.

This situation is very interesting, neither side is convinced, because as long as either side admits defeat, it means losing control of Poland. And whoever controls Poland means who can control Eastern Europe.

Naturally, the Entente would not cede Eastern Europe, and Trotsky had always regarded Eastern Europe as an important base for the realization of revolutionary theory. Naturally, both sides have not budged an inch on this issue, and have repeatedly allowed the negotiations to break down.

It was not until the Entente and the Bolsheviks realized at the same time that they could not agree on the Polish question, and that continuing to quarrel over the question of wiping the footcloth, would only lead to the breakdown of the negotiations. Therefore, after some discussions, the two sides decided to shelve the Polish issue, and for the time being, only to reach an agreement on the armistice issue, and to refer the Polish issue to the future Zurich Conference for settlement.

However, what people did not expect was that the Zurich Conference did not solve this problem until the outbreak of World War II, when Pilsudski's Republic of Poland was eliminated by Nazi Germany, and the problem was fundamentally "solved".

At that time, Poland was effectively divided into two states, the Pilsudski regime in western Poland and the Beirut regime in eastern Poland. Of course, in fact, a considerable part of Poland was "occupied" by the East Prussian People's Republic.

On May 1, 1920, the day the armistice was executed. Later, three countries appeared in the land that we are familiar with as Poland. East Poland, West Poland and East Prussia.

Among them, the greatest gain in this war should be East Prussia. This new state, founded by Jews, took control of East Prussia, which had originally belonged to Germany. and the Primorsky Voivodeship, which belonged to Poland after World War II, the Warmia-Vazuri Voivodeship, and the northern part of the Kujawi Primorsky Voivodeship.

Eastern Poland, on the other hand, controlled the Podrasie Voivodeship, the eastern part of Mazoshev Voivodeship, most of the Santa Cross Voivodeship, the Carpathian Voivodeship, and all of Lesser Poland Voivodeship.

Of course, if you really want to calculate in detail, the Bolsheviks gained the most in this war, recovering Belarus, Ukraine and the three Baltic states, redismembering Poland, which had just gained independence, and building a firewall in the east to cut off imperialism. From a geopolitical point of view. Most of the pain inflicted on Russia during the collapse of Tsarist Russia was largely offset and much stronger than that of Russia at that time in history.

In a sense, this was a victory for the Russians, who avoided the same dismemberment as Austria-Hungary. In fact, the Bolsheviks were quite satisfied with this result, and although the world revolution did not go ahead as scheduled, it was already commendable that the Russian revolution was victorious and the western border was secured.

Meritorious service naturally should be rewarded, and the key credit in this "victory" is naturally the Politburo; if it were not for the far-sightedness and judgment of the Politburo elders, how could there be today's good situation?

After the armistice agreement with the Entente group can be said. Lenin's prestige was once again at an all-time high, if he had been only half a head above Trotsky. Now the Mentor is a head above Trotsky. The Mentor became the unshakable nucleus of the Party, and the others, including Trotsky, could only surround him, in a sense the Sun!

Why? One thing can show the supremacy of Lenin, who was unanimously elected to the Politburo at the Ninth Congress of the CPSU held that year! And at the All-Russian Congress of Soviet Workers and Soldiers, held that year, the Presidium of the Congress unanimously adopted a resolution - to change the name of Petrograd to Leningrad! This award is also a commemoration of the outstanding contribution of the mentor to the Russian Revolution!

As the center of Russia's two great revolutions, as well as the former capital of Russia, Petrograd is needless to say, and the symbolism of renaming such a city Leningrad is unprecedented!

Of course, the All-Russian Soviet Presidium did not only change the name of Petrograd, but in fact several other cities were renamed at the same time, such as Gatchina on the outskirts of Leningrad, where Trotsky had led the defeat of Yudenich and renamed Trotsk in recognition of the contribution of the Second Mentor. For example, Tsaritsyn on the Volga River was renamed Stalingrad in recognition of Stalin's "outstanding" contribution to the defeat of Denikin.

Not only these three, but also Sverdlov and Dzerzhinsky, who did not directly participate in the Civil War, also enjoyed this honor, and their hometowns were renamed Sverdlovsk and Dzerzhinskysk, respectively.

Truth be told, only the Mentor received the most prominent honors in this series of name changes, and the other accolades received by Stalin, Junior S, Dzerzhinsky, and even Trotsky were more like a kind of protection to reduce the unprecedented impact that might be caused by naming the former capital after the Mentor.

In this harvest season, although the Mentor must reap the most, that can't make the others fall too behind. In addition to the special praise for the senior elders of the Politburo, other personnel who have made contributions are also rewarded for their meritorious deeds.

Li Xiaofeng finally got rid of the embarrassment of the alternate Central Committee and became a full-fledged member of the Central Committee, and he joined the Central Committee with Frunze, as the only two members of the military in the Central Committee, the two of them are very eye-catching.

However, Li Xiaofeng was happy, but he was not particularly happy, although his twenty-year-old Central Committee was already shocking, but compared to other people who were more good, it was nothing.

For example, his good friend Ruzutak, a brilliant worker leader, made a double jump and went directly from the previous alternate Central Committee member to the alternate board member. Yes, you read that right, Ruzutak entered the Politburo!

This leapfrog development is simply stunning. But even more stunned is yet to come. Because Ruzutak gains more than just alternate boards. He also became a member of the new Central Organization Bureau and controlled the personnel power of the party!

According to the revised party constitution of the Ninth National Congress, the National Party Congress will no longer be re-elected once a year (because it is really too much toss), but will be held every three years and a plenary session will be held once a year. In other words, Ruzutak, a member of the Organizational Bureau, can work for three years if nothing else!

Of course, Ruzutak's leadership of the Organizational Bureau is indeed good news for Li Xiaofeng and Xiao Si. But there is no need to be too surprised, because the Organizing Bureau is no longer the one-man situation of 1917. At the same time, Molotov and Rykov were elected to the Organizational Bureau, and five people were at the helm of the Organizational Bureau. The advantage of this is that it avoids the dominance of one party, but the disadvantage is that in the future, after the Politburo, the Organization Bureau will also fall into a huge whirlpool of intra-party struggles.

In the Ninth National Congress, in addition to the changes in the Organization Bureau, certain changes also took place in the Secretariat, and for the first time the post of General Secretary was set up within the Party. And this post belonged to Stalin. Of course, Stalin, the general secretary, was still far from the general secretary of the Celestial Empire, although Lenin did not hold any actual position in the party. But everyone knows that he is the boss of the party. Even Trotsky, who also did not hold a real position in the party, was a head above Stalin in the party!

In addition to the changes in the Organizational Bureau and the Secretariat, the most significant changes belong to Bukharin. Because of his previous prominence, Bukharin's position in the party also rose, and he was elected chairman of the Central Supervision Commission and vice chairman of the Discipline Inspection Commission. Quite a few party cadres felt that after Dzerzhinsky's retirement, he would probably take over.

In addition to these beneficial changes, there are also unfavorable changes, and a nasty ghost has also been elected as an alternate in the Politburo, and he is Kamenev. At this time, in addition to the five regular Grand Elders, the Politburo also had five Second Elders, namely Kamenev, Zinoviev, Bukharin, Kalinin, and Ruzutak.

From a certain point of view, the reason why Kamenev was able to enter the Politburo was to compensate and appease Trotsky in a certain way, because the "temporary" defeat of the world revolution was not an ordinary blow to Trotsky.

However, the changes within the Bolsheviks are actually limited, and the stars who stood in the foreground during the October Revolution are still on the stage, and no one can steal the limelight from them for the time being, and it can even be said that there will not be much change within the Bolsheviks in the next ten years, because these people are really still very young! For example, Lenin was only fifty years old this year, and he was really a young cadre at his age in the central leadership of the Celestial Empire in later generations.

All in all, if a young man like Li Xiaofeng wants to go to the highest stage, he really needs to be precipitated and tempered, and he is too young at the age of twenty, even in the very young Central Committee of the Bolsheviks, this one is the youngest!

However, being young means being able to afford to wait, even ten years later, Li Xiaofeng will only be 30 years old, and after this period of precipitation, he will certainly not lag behind Lenin at the age of 30 and Sverdlov at the age of 30.

In 1920, when an armistice was reached with the Allies, the next more important question for the Bolsheviks was the question of Russia itself. It is not only the country that has been so badly damaged by the war that needs to be rebuilt, but more importantly, how Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, and the vast number of countries in Central Asia that have just won the victory of the revolution should be put together.

Don't underestimate this question, because in the October Revolution Lenin recognized the right of national self-determination, according to which the countries that the tsar had robbed began to become independent, such as Finland mentioned earlier. Although the Bolsheviks won the civil war and helped these countries establish Soviet power, what they said was water that was spilled, and they could not be annexed again, right?

At least nominally, neither Lenin nor Trotsky could have done such a thing. Then how to solve this thorny problem became a priority for the Bolsheviks.

At that time, there were several opinions within the party, one was to form a federal state similar to the United States, and the other was to create a federation of independent states. Friends familiar with history know that the Bolsheviks chose the latter and founded the Soviet Union. But there is a great deal of debate within the party about how this alliance should be done. The focus is on sovereignty. After joining the Alliance. Do member countries still have independent sovereignty?

Lenin was inclined to have. The Mentor didn't want to give the world the impression that he was just annexing these member countries in disguise, and he didn't want the world to think that he was the new Tsar in disguise. So he leaned towards a union of states, inclined to give each union republic independent sovereignty, and even willing to promise that they could have the right to withdraw from the union.

And this opinion of the mentor displeased many bigwigs in the party, such as Stalin, who tended to build a state rather than a union. He resolutely opposes giving member countries the right to withdraw from the alliance, believing that if they want to join, they can join and withdraw if they want to, so where is the authority of the central government? Once there is a conflict between the interests of the central government and the interests of the local government. If the local government resolutely refuses to buy it, can it be threatened to withdraw from the alliance?

Stalin felt that he did not need to care about those face-saving matters at all, even if he was scolded by imperialism. The new tsar is the new tsar, as long as Lao Tzu can make the country change day by day, take care of him so much? As for the opposition of the member countries, Nima, that's not a joke, the independence of these countries was fought down by the Red Army, these Soviet regimes were established by the Red Army, who would dare to oppose it?

Lenin resolutely criticized Stalin's ideas of great-power chauvinism. criticized Stalin's opinions one by one, and his old man also said directly: "I can only do it according to my ideas!" ”

How powerful was Lenin's authority then? Speaking out scares you to death. Like Stalin, when he saw that his mentor was serious, he could only immediately raise his hand in surrender to show his obedience.

As a member of the Central Committee, Li Xiaofeng actually participated in the discussion about whether it was an alliance or a state, and he himself was actually more inclined to Stalin's opinion, and the Soviet Union was able to "legally" dissolve because his mentor left this back door.

Of course, there is a saying that the collapse of the Soviet Union, whether it is a fundamental or superficial cause, has nothing to do with the back door left by Lenin. If it weren't for the death of Comrade Tutou himself (at that time, the Soviet Union held a referendum on whether to retain the Union, and 76.4% of Soviet citizens supported the retention of the Union, and the Soviet leadership led by Tutou ignored the results of the referendum and declared its automatic demise), the collapse of the Soviet Union would not have been so easy.

At the behest of the Mentor, on November 7, 1920, the anniversary of the October Revolution, a grand celebration was held on Red Square in Moscow, announcing the birth of a new Union of Nations!

The first to join the Union included Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and the Transcaucasian Federation, and the highest authority of the Union was the All-Union Congress of Soviets, and Sverdlov was naturally elected Chairman of the Presidium of the All-Union Congress of Soviets (tongue-twisting, isn't it?). And this was also the nominal head of state of the USSR. The good old man Kalinin became the deputy chairman.

Of course, the real ruling body, the one that really counts, was the All-Union Council of People's Commissars, and Lenin naturally took the post of chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, while Trotsky unfortunately had to be the deputy chairman.

As for Stalin, Comrade Iron did not even have a vice-chairman, and as the general secretary of the party, he did not have a sense of existence in the Council of People's Commissars (nor did he have a sense of existence or not). However, as close friends of Steel, Shao Wumian and Ordzhonikid occupied positions in the Presidium of the All-Union Soviets and the Council of People's Commissars, respectively, one was a member of the Presidium and the other was a working people's commissar of the Council of People's Commissars.

As for Sverdlov's little friend, Ruzutak also had a People's Commissar for Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate in the Council of People's Commissars and was chairman of the CGT.

In addition to serving as deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Lao Tolsky was also the chairman of the Supreme Revolutionary Military Council, and his little friend Ulitsky also took the position of People's Commissar of Posts and Telecommunications.

Having said all this, has our protagonist a certain immortal reaped any benefits? It is a pity that neither the high-ranking posts in the party nor the high-ranking posts in the All-Union Soviets and the Council of People's Commissars have anything to do with a certain immortal.

Li Xiaofeng's nominally effective position is still only the director of the State Political and Security Bureau, but because of his exploits with the Baltic Front, someone in the Supreme Revolutionary Military Council has also become a member of the Supreme Revolutionary Military Council.

It seems that the mentor has treated a certain immortal badly, and it seems unreasonable to give this position with the merits of a certain immortal? Actually, no, look at Frunze, as the most trusted military cadre of the mentor, what did he gain?

Within the party, he is a member of the Central Committee, the People's Commissar for National Defense in the People's Commissariat Committee, and the Vice Chairman of the Military Commission. Seems to be stronger than a certain immortal? For example, the People's Commissar of National Defense, nominally the People's Commissar of National Defense is responsible for military work, but everyone knows that the power in charge of military affairs is still in the Military Commission, and if the Military Commission does not nod, the People's Commissar for National Defense is nothing.

And Frunze, the vice chairman of the Military Commission, can control the Military Commission? Lao Tuo is still there! To put it mildly, Frunze, the vice chairman, is Lenin's trust, and to put it mildly, he is just Lenin's spokesman, and there are very few things he can really do!

And on the side of a certain immortal, although he is only a member of the Military Commission, he actually has less say in the Military Commission than Frunze, and a certain immortal still has friends in the Military Commission, Ubolevich and Triandafilov because of their excellent performance in Poland smoothly squeezed into the newly established four headquarters of the Military Commission, is this a group of small forces? (To be continued......)