Compared to the importance of the Moscow Oblast Party Committee, the Moscow Oblast Cheka is nothing at all. As another huge center of the revolution, as the new capital, the influence of the Party Committee here is simply too great.

In any case, as long as Trotsky's brain is not short-circuited, the trade-off between the Moscow Cheka and the Moscow Oblast Party Committee is not a problem at all. But now, the situation was very unfavorable for him, because he had made an inefficient move and lost half a move, and Lenin was ahead of him, and he began to make a fuss about the Moscow Oblast Party Committee first.

Maybe in the eyes of ordinary people, it is nothing to take the lead by half a step. The Bolsheviks, led collectively, at least not yet, were the first to speak before they succeeded. Many comrades may think that Lenin could not gag Trotsky and prevent him from speaking.

If Trotsky himself had held his ground and fought to the end, he would have been unable to make a breakthrough in the question of the Moscow Region Party Committee. However, such an idea is naïve, and Lenin's first hand does not refer to the priority of the right to speak, but the priority of solid interests.

How to understand it? To put it simply, moving the capital to Moscow involves all aspects of interest, and as the bosses of the major mountains in the party, they all want to share some benefits on this issue. Otherwise, the future work will not be very good.

However, the problem is that if the capital is moved to a city where there is a lack of power in all aspects, then the work of distributing benefits is better to do a little bit, and everyone can sit down and discuss slowly, and after some bargaining, come to a result that is acceptable to all parties.

But this is not the case with Moscow at all. It has already been said before. Moscow is dominated by the Leninists. There may be sharp differences and struggles among themselves, but on the core issue of safeguarding the interests of their own faction, the Leninists will certainly unite with each other. In other words, the cake of Moscow has its owner, and not everyone can rush up to fork a piece and taste it.

However, now that the capital has to be moved, no matter how strong the Leninists are, certain concessions must be made. For what? The rules of the game are decided. If one of the forces is too strong, then there is a good chance that the other forces will choose not to play with you. Just like the table tennis of the Harmony Country in later generations, after you are too awesome, you have to find a way to cultivate your opponent, otherwise this game will not be able to continue.

The Leninists are now facing the same problem, they have too much power in Moscow, and if they do not give up some of them, then whether it is Trotsky, Bukharin, or any other political force, they will probably not play.

And now. The Council of People's Commissars and Soviet power were not something that a Leninist could hold up, so. Inevitably, the Leninists wanted to cede some of the political interests of the Moscow region in exchange for other political forces to continue playing the game.

However, there must be a saying about how much benefit to give up, and how. The core interests of the Leninists are certainly not willing to give up easily, but too much of a chicken thing should not want to dismiss an old fox like Trotsky, and this is the core of the current debate.

It is clear from the previous confrontation that Lenin regarded the Moscow Oblast Cheka as an outcast who blocked Trotsky's mouth. Then I will fulfill you, and the Moscow Oblast Cheka will give it to you. But if you kid eats this piece, you can't worry about the cake in the back!

And Trotsky also knew very well that if he really ate the Moscow Oblast Cheka, he really couldn't open his mouth casually, after all, the political benefits that the Leninists could get out were limited, and too much greed would probably lead to the siege of Lenin and other political forces. At that time, it was impossible to steal chickens and rice.

But the Chika of the Moscow region really did not want Trotsky, so he came to an ingenious exchange. In the form of an exchange, he kept his act of eating the Moscow Oblast Cheka from going too far, thus retaining the right to continue to share the cake.

But as I said before, he has suffered a loss and taken advantage of this aspect, even if he can continue to share the cake behind, but he can't go too far, he must talk about a degree. At least in the eyes of others, Lao Tuo has taken advantage of you, if it's endless, then it's not good.

In other words, Trotsky's behavior of grabbing the cake behind him must be measured and not aggressive, that is to say, a little timid and unable to let go. And that's where Lenin's advantage lies, the more you kid can't let go, the less bloodletting I can have. Taking advantage of this opportunity, I will go straight to the point and see how you grab it.

And the facts have proved that Trotsky is indeed quite uncomfortable, and this degree of proportionality makes him very uncomfortable, especially when Lenin was preparing to straighten out Muralov by hot iron, he really could not and did not have too good means to stop it, and he could only resist a little, and find a reason that was not a reason to stop the car.

Earlier he said that Muralov was not well prepared and that he made a hasty decision, which is really nonsense. How do you know that Muralov is not well prepared? The fundamental reason is that you can't question Mulalov's ability, you can only talk about the preparation of bullshit!

Indeed, if Muralov had not been a member of the Central Committee, Trotsky's excuse would have been absolutely not inadequate, but inadequate. However, Muralov is a genuine and veteran member of the Central Committee, and questioning the ability of a member of the Central Committee in front of the Central Committee is a bit nonsense no matter how you look at it, and even a bit of a slap in the face and implication, which is self-defeating. Therefore, Trotsky could only find this somewhat far-fetched excuse to delay the time, or to disrupt Lenin's rhythm.

Unfortunately, Lenin's rhythm was not so easily disrupted, and the mentor gave Trotsky a pushback to his face: "Comrade Muralov's ability is beyond doubt, and in the October Revolution he proved himself worthy of trust." Under the very complicated circumstances at that time, he was able to uphold his principles well and actively promote the development of the revolution, which fully proved that he was reliable. An old comrade like him who has been tested by the revolution and is very reliable. For shouldering the responsibility of leading the Moscow Party Committee. How can there be no mental preparation? ”

Speaking of which. Lenin smiled slightly and said: "Besides, the issue of moving the capital has long been conveyed to the Central Committee, and it is also a resolution that was formed after discussion by all the members of the Central Committee. Comrade Muralov had already known this situation, and if he felt that he was not fully prepared, he could have refused this post! The current situation is that he did not refuse, and he still showed confidence. How can this be said to be completely unprepared? ”

Trotsky was a little hated, but he could not refute it, and Lenin's words were not finished: "As to whether the election of the party committee of the Moscow region is a bit hasty, I don't think this question is worth discussing at all!" How can a state party committee indiscriminately elect a comrade to lead them without full discussion and study? Doesn't the results of the previous elections show that Comrade Muralov is deeply trusted by the comrades in Moscow, and the comrades have confidence in him? ”

"This can only mean that you monopolize the Moscow Oblast Party Committee!" Trotsky complained in his heart. But Lenin's words were true, and they also showed a kind of self-confidence. If he really doesn't know whether to bump into him alive or dead, I'm afraid he won't be able to please him.

Fortunately, Trotsky also knew that it was unrealistic to want Lenin to give up his advantage in the Moscow Oblast Party Committee and to make him hand over the post of Party Secretary. Even if he goes out of his way, the secretary of the party committee will not fall into his hands. What he said just now was more of an attitude and a signal - he had to tell Lenin and the other members of the Central Committee that don't think that a Moscow Oblast Cheka will send me away, this benefit is far from enough!

In other words, the reason why Trotsky hastened to oppose it was to facilitate the first move in the next round to reap the benefits.

Sure enough, after the post of party secretary had successfully fallen into Lenin's pocket, Trotsky launched an attack on his true favourite.

"Now that Comrade Muralov has assumed the post of secretary of the Moscow Region Party Committee, I think it is very necessary for him to step down from the post of chairman of the Moscow Region Soviet and let one comrade hold two important posts at the same time, the burden is too heavy and the responsibility is too great. Other comrades should be allowed to share a little responsibility for his work, and too much concentration of power is not a good thing! ”

As Trotsky spoke, a group of members of the Central Committee immediately chimed in, and they had no idea of the Moscow Region Party Committee, but the two most important organs of the Moscow Region must not be controlled by your Leninists!

Lenin had expected such a situation a long time ago, and he did not intend to cover the sky in the Moscow Region, and compared with the Moscow Oblast Party Committee, the importance of the Moscow Oblast Soviet was not so great, and if he gave up the Soviet, he would also let the Exodus, anyway, he still had the advantage in the Moscow Oblast Soviet Executive Committee, and a mere chairman of the Soviet could not change the overall situation.

After the two most important positions are divided between the Grand Mentor and the Second Mentor respectively, the other relatively minor positions will naturally not have fierce conflicts, anyway, the interests are evenly distributed, and each hill has more or less circled a seat on the political map of Moscow, and if nothing else, this "spoils" conference will come to a successful conclusion.

At least that's what Trotsky thought, and he felt that the benefits had been distributed, and the next step was to do their part and move the capital as soon as possible. Who would have thought that the second unexpected turn of events in this meeting would happen again.

Lenin had no intention of dismissing the meeting, and inadvertently he suddenly put forward a major idea: "In the present situation, the most important tasks of our party and government are twofold: one is to actively prepare for the combination of foreign interference and domestic counter-revolutionary forces to set off a new reactionary upsurge." Our task is to defeat and eliminate them, and this is the key to the survival of our people's power, and it is the most important thing! Second, it is necessary to quickly find a way to solve the increasingly severe economic crisis in the country, especially the imminent food crisis. ”

Speaking of this, Lenin glanced at the meeting hall and said solemnly and sonorously: "These two problems are the core problems of the moment, and we must find a way to solve them, and now I want to hear your opinions!" ”

Trotsky was at first a little dissatisfied with Lenin's sudden attack, and felt that Lenin should inform him in advance if he wanted to raise these two questions. Let him be prepared. But then he thought about it. It was not easy to gather the members of the Central Committee for a meeting. Moreover, Lenin himself did not make any shocking remarks just now, it seems that he just wanted to hear the opinion of the members of the Central Committee, which is also normal.

In fact, Trotsky was always thinking about these two questions, and he had little solution to the latter, and he could not conjure up food. Moreover, there are already people participating in this issue, and certain results have been initially achieved, so it is not interesting for him to participate in peace again. And for the former question. He did have a bit of insight:

"I think we must be prepared to oppose the interference of domestic and foreign forces," he immediately spoke, "on the one hand, we can resolve the crisis in a peaceful way as much as possible through diplomatic channels and active communication and negotiations." But at the same time, we must speed up the arming of the Red Army, without which we cannot defend our regime. And I have some immature opinions on how to build a new armament. ”

Lenin nodded. Ask: "Tell me your opinion, as long as it is favorable." Comrades will adopt! ”

Trotsky cleared his throat and said confidently: "The greatest problem facing us in the formation of the Red Army at the present time is not the question of the supply of soldiers, but the active support of our working class for our regime, and their enthusiasm for defending the people's power. But war is not a problem that can be solved by just a large number of people and passion. At present, the most important problem facing the newly formed Red Army and the Red Army in the process of being formed is the shortage of officers! ”

Trotsky took a deep breath and said helplessly: "As I have learned, our Red Army lacks qualified military commanders, whether high, middle or low. This makes the combat effectiveness of our Red Army very worrisome, in a sense, it is simply a plate of scattered sand! ”

Lenin's face also showed a sad color, Li Xiaofeng had warned him about this problem before, and he had also thought of certain ways to solve it, such as a crash course for political commissars. But to tell the truth, even a crash course was too short, and in just a few months, the trained accelerated commissars were not at all enough to solve the problem of the lack of officers in the Red Army. When civil war is imminent, it seems unrealistic to put all your hopes on a crash course.

Lenin asked: "Well, then, Comrade Trotsky, do you have a solution to this problem?" ”

Trotsky was waiting for this sentence: "I do not think it is realistic to expect in a short time to train a new proletarian army of officers by surprise training." For the sake of now, we can only make full use of the legacy of the former Tsarist Russian army and select a group of old officers to lead our Red Army......"

Without waiting for Trotsky to finish, Stalin interrupted him with a remark: "Comrade Trotsky, I completely disagree with you, for you are giving up our Red Army to the old soldiers, to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Cadets...... If those old officers were to lead our Red Army, it would be tantamount to sending guns full of ammunition to our enemies and letting them kill us with the weapons we made! ”

Trotsky seemed to have anticipated this situation for a long time, and he had already thought of a way to avoid it, only to see him say in a serious voice: "Comrade Joseph, the situation you are talking about is indeed worthy of vigilance. However, we cannot generalize, there is also a group of officers with new ideas in the old army, and what we need to do is to identify them. It is even possible to strengthen ideological work, so that some old officers with relatively high consciousness can slowly wake up! ”

Stalin's stubbornness, however, went far beyond Trotsky's expectations, and he scoffed at Trotsky's remarks: "I can only say that such an idea is very naïve, and that the barrier between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is like a trench, how can it be possible to convert them by ideological work alone?" What's more, isn't the identification work foolproof, what if an enemy who is good at disguise gets in? ”

At this point, Stalin waved his hand sharply and said categorically: "I believe that the bourgeoisie is completely untrustworthy, and that our revolution can only be achieved through the efforts of the proletariat. The question of officers is not a problem at all, the great proletariat is good at learning. In battle, they will grow rapidly, and soon they will be fully qualified for military command! All we need to do is trust them completely, unconditionally, and fully! ”

"That's!" Trotsky was a little annoyed, in his opinion Stalin was simply talking in a dream, if the war was so simple, if it was treated as child's play, it would definitely suffer a big loss!

He asked angrily: "Comrade Joseph, do you know what a terrible price it will be to pay for letting the proletariat learn to fight from war?" The strength of the Russian proletariat is precious, it cannot be squandered casually, we must cherish it, and if we can reduce casualties, why should we not do it? ”

Who would have thought that Stalin was completely indifferent, and even sarcastically mocked Trotsky: "It is indeed necessary for us to cherish the strength of the proletariat, but will the old officers, the lackeys of the bourgeoisie, cherish the revolutionary strength of the proletariat?" I doubt this very much, because it is these people you mentioned who have made the Russian proletariat pay a heavy price in this world war, and it is a crime not to cherish the revolutionary power of the proletariat and to continue to let them command our Red Army! (To be continued......)

PS: Bow and thank you Brother Fang!