There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

There is no need for special discussions, and the Haihan side has already set the tone by the Executive Committee, even if these major shareholders of Qiong Lianfa have their hands and eyes and can invite Schneider to come forward, they still cannot change the official resolution of Haihan. Schneider has already used the term "national policy", which naturally shows that there is no room for maneuver in this matter.

This book was first published on the Genesis Chinese website, and the following content will be re-edited later for anti-theft

There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

There is no need for special discussions, and the Haihan side has already set the tone by the Executive Committee, even if these major shareholders of Qiong Lianfa have their hands and eyes and can invite Schneider to come forward, they still cannot change the official resolution of Haihan. Schneider has already used the term "national policy", which naturally shows that there is no room for maneuver in this matter.

There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

There is no need for special discussions, and the Haihan side has already set the tone by the Executive Committee, even if these major shareholders of Qiong Lianfa have their hands and eyes and can invite Schneider to come forward, they still cannot change the official resolution of Haihan. Schneider has already used the term "national policy", which naturally shows that there is no room for maneuver in this matter.

There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

There is no need for special discussions, and the Haihan side has already set the tone by the Executive Committee, even if these major shareholders of Qiong Lianfa have their hands and eyes and can invite Schneider to come forward, they still cannot change the official resolution of Haihan. Schneider has already used the term "national policy", which naturally shows that there is no room for maneuver in this matter.

There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

There is no need for special discussions, and the Haihan side has already set the tone by the Executive Committee, even if these major shareholders of Qiong Lianfa have their hands and eyes and can invite Schneider to come forward, they still cannot change the official resolution of Haihan. Schneider has already used the term "national policy", which naturally shows that there is no room for maneuver in this matter.

There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

There is no need for special discussions, and the Haihan side has already set the tone by the Executive Committee, even if these major shareholders of Qiong Lianfa have their hands and eyes and can invite Schneider to come forward, they still cannot change the official resolution of Haihan. Schneider has already used the term "national policy", which naturally shows that there is no room for maneuver in this matter.

There is a consensus among the top brass of the post-Kim regime that it must be vigorously curbed by means of military strikes and a total blockade from the sea. As for the use of smuggling trade to loot local products, divide Houjin's internal relations, and even buy off its important figures, the Haihan high-level and intelligence departments did not fail to consider it, but in the end they still did not adopt this plan.

After Huang Taiji came to power, he began to appoint a large number of Han ministers and generals, and the gun manufacturing technology brought to Liaodong by Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming and others was also valued by Huang Taiji, and began to be equipped in batches in the Han army banner. Although these weapons are still relatively primitive in the eyes of the Haihan and cannot immediately change the gap in the comparison of the combat power of the two armies, if the Houjin army is equipped with firearms in a large area, it will inevitably bring greater casualties to the Haihan army in the battle, so the movement of the Houjin side is still regarded as a potential crisis by the military.

What Haihan officials feared was that trading with Houjin through smuggling would certainly open an intelligence channel, but this would have the same effect on Houjin, giving the closed regime the opportunity to obtain information from the outside world in this way, which Haihan did not want. Haihan preferred to give up the benefits of the smuggling trade rather than give a regime that was far behind in its civilization more opportunities to contact the outside world.

(End of chapter)